http://pad.madaily2010-03-111.0http://pad.ma/aboutmonthly1.0http://pad.ma/faqmonthly1.0http://pad.ma/termsmonthly1.0http://pad.ma/licensemonthly1.0http://pad.ma/Vu0jkibs/info2009-02-07weekly1.0WICityTV: Gujri, oldest junk market. Meeting the merchant's association.http://pad.ma/Vu0jkibs/poster.75.jpgJayshree Reddy and Preeti Prakash, crew members of [http://chitrakarkhana.net/whycitytv.htm WiCityTV], spent the weekend in Shivaji Nagar's notoriously famous Gujri Market. Like Elgin talkies, possibly one of the oldest cinemas in India, Bangalore's Gujri market, established over 80 years ago bears witness to Bangalore's colonial past. The downtown hub of Shivaji Nagar, with its proximity to Cantonment is also home to Russell Market. Here they speak with all the members of Stephen Square Merchant's Association, the Gujri shop owners. This is Jayshree and Preeti's first stint with a camera. They were studying documentary at St. Josephs College. We encouraged them to converse and not just question. Yes2653http://pad.ma/Vha3z017/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Khirkeeyan, episode 6 - Village Girlshttp://pad.ma/Vha3z017/poster.75.jpgFrom the project KhirkeeYaan. See: http://chitrakarkhana.net/khirkeyaan.htm Khirkee Village is a sleepy feudal small world whose historic center of attraction is the stark and stunning Khirkee Masjid. Surrounding the Masjid are curving warrens that lead right into homes with inner courtyards; most belong to Chauhans and Sainis, who still live in large joint families. The lanes are cloistered, on the steps and in the courtyard sit women with their ghungats poised on their heads. On the main road side of village was Shyama Beauty Parlour, whose owner Renu readily agreed to participate. We found an STD (phone) booth run by a lady, Indu. She agreed in principal and said she would inform her husband and confirm the following evening. We already had our third participant, Suddha, a kaamwali (maid) who had been introduced to us by Anusha Lal, a dancer who had her studio near Khoj. "Suddha is a firebrand and a muh phat, smart mouth." The 3rd TV was to be in her rented room, near the Masjid. The search for the feudal family took some knocking on doors. Most women welcomed us, but said that we would have to seek permission from their husbands or the patriarch. When we entered Seema's house, it immediately felt like a different place. The paanch bahuraniyan (5 daughters- in-law), welcomed us instantly. Seema said they have been trying to bring some sort of awakening in the village. "We would love to do this, and we will also bring other women to watch and talk." The idea was to 'stage' an event. To bring into this cloistered community, an element from the outside. Next morning, we were set up by 11:30. And into the parlour walked artist Anita Dube for a much-needed wax.Yes4706http://pad.ma/Vfbs0zma/info2008-04-09weekly1.0A day in the life of Selina Uttankar. Dawn.http://pad.ma/Vfbs0zma/poster.75.jpgFootage from the day spent with Selina Uttankar, a native of Manori Village, Mumbai documenting her movement patterns in the city. Selina (Shilu), her sister Lilu and their colleague Hareshwar go to the Elphinstone fish market and return to Manori. Dawn, before sunrise, leaving Manori by ferry to Malad Jetty and Auto rickshaw to Malad Station with her sister and another colleague with kilos of fish.Yes1079http://pad.ma/Vi76mas7/info2008-02-26weekly1.0Elgin Talkies oldest cinema: Projection Room, Premises, postershttp://pad.ma/Vi76mas7/poster.75.jpgFootage from WICITYTV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivaji Nagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Elgin Talkies is a 116-year-old decrepit cinema house in Shivaji Nagar that still uses carbon arc projectors. Older than cinema itself, it was first a playhouse, and its logbook catalogues a veritable history of early cinema from silent films to the screening of India’s first talkie, Alam Ara. Gaurav Chandelya spent 48 hours inside Elgin, clocking the daily films and changes.The film, Kahani Elgin Ki [http://chitrakarkhana.net/elgintalkies.htm] was aired on local cable. (http://chitrakarkhana.net/whycitytv.htm)Yes863http://pad.ma/Vhrgtdc9/info2008-02-21weekly1.0Video Feedbackhttp://pad.ma/Vhrgtdc9/poster.75.jpgYes68http://pad.ma/Vfwrr1t7/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Elgin Talkies oldest cinema: Flowers, Posters, Fandomhttp://pad.ma/Vfwrr1t7/poster.75.jpgFootage from WICITYTV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivaji Nagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Elgin Talkies is a 116-year-old decrepit cinema house in Shivaji Nagar that still uses carbon arc projectors. Older than cinema itself, it was first a playhouse, and its logbook catalogues a veritable history of early cinema from silent films to the screening of India’s first talkie, Alam Ara. Gaurav Chandelya spent 48 hours inside Elgin, clocking the daily films and changes.The film, Kahani Elgin Ki [http://chitrakarkhana.net/elgintalkies.htm] was aired on local cable. (http://chitrakarkhana.net/whycitytv.htm)Yes1797http://pad.ma/Vfbbsgle/info2009-08-02weekly1.0 Ladies Special Distributionhttp://pad.ma/Vfbbsgle/poster.75.jpgTellavision Mumbai is a documentation of one delicately poised edge of global conflict, a documentation of public action post September 11 in Mumbai. Rough cut of Train campaign called by Forum Against Oppression of Women, Akshara, Majlis, Awaaz e Niswaan, Women's Centre, Stree Sangam, Vacha;City based women’s voluntary organizations and NGOs distributing anti-war flyer's and siging songs in the Churchgate-Virar Ladies special train.Yes495http://pad.ma/Vsnfi304/info2008-02-23weekly1.0WSF Mumbai: Performance, protest, song, dancehttp://pad.ma/Vsnfi304/poster.75.jpgFootage covering various activist groups sloganeering and performing folk dances in support of their causes during World Social Forum, Mumbai at Azad Maidan. Lots of colourful people from colourful places in India and abroad. There is always the sound of some music, from drums, from cymbal, from musicians on stage, or singing. This is only drowned out by the voices of sloganeering activistsYes426http://pad.ma/Vdypbbbn/info2009-01-08weekly1.0A day in the life of Selina Uttankar: Bus, ferry and rickshawhttp://pad.ma/Vdypbbbn/poster.75.jpgFootage from the day spent with Selina Uttankar, a native of Manori Village, Mumbai documenting her movement patterns in the city. Traditional Koli occupation. Selina gets of the bus to take the ferry from Malad Jetty to Manori Village. She shares a tempo rickshaw and gets home by noon.Yes879http://pad.ma/Vhqrijr2/info2008-06-07weekly1.0Elgin Talkies oldest cimena: Office, canteen, camera printhttp://pad.ma/Vhqrijr2/poster.75.jpgFootage from WICITYTV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivaji Nagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Elgin Talkies is a 116-year-old decrepit cinema house in Shivaji Nagar that still uses carbon arc projectors. Older than cinema itself, it was first a playhouse, and its logbook catalogues a veritable history of early cinema from silent films to the screening of India’s first talkie, Alam Ara. Gaurav Chandelya spent 48 hours inside Elgin, clocking the daily films and changes.The film, [http://chitrakarkhana.net/elgintalkies.htm Kahani Elgin Ki] was aired on local cable. [http://chitrakarkhana.net/whycitytv.htm WICITYTV]Yes676http://pad.ma/Ve3421ti/info2009-08-29weekly1.0Disket Document: 'chance' meeting at breakfasthttp://pad.ma/Ve3421ti/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in a National Integration Seminar. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradesh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. The participants flew into Leh, from sea-level to 13000 feet and without acclimatising, made their way up the highest motorable road in the world to arrive late at night. The delegates are settling down to breakfast, when a VHP representative arrives to discuss the event with them. He informs them that they are invited guests of the VHP's "Buddh Mahotsav. The participants consist of : Shaina - Shaina Anand SA – Shubhadra Anand, Historian (Former Principal and Professor of History, R. D. National College, Bandra, Mumbai) IE – Irfan Engineer, Social Activist and Advocate (Director - Center for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai) MM – Meena Menon, Political and Trade Union Activist (Vice President, Girni Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti (Mill Workers' Action Committee) and Senior Associate, Focus on the Global South) RM - Rama Menon, journalist NS - Nandini Sunder, journalist SV - Siddharth Vardarajan, Former Editor, Times of India; currently the Strategic Affairs Editor, The Hindu. KMC - Kamal Mitra Chenoy, Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University Yes1041http://pad.ma/Vg8opbbn/info2008-02-25weekly1.0 Speech by Bishop Thomas Dabre at a meeting called by the SIO.http://pad.ma/Vg8opbbn/poster.75.jpgFootage from Tellavision Mumbai. Bishop Thomas Dabre of the Diocese of Vasai delivers a speech in which he condemns terrorist acts that lead to the deaths of innocent people and stresses that stereotyping the Muslim community on the basis of acts committed by a group of misled people is wrong. He opines that the use of military action against terrorism does not offer a long term solution to the problem instead, efforts must be made to bring about a conversion in the 'minds and hearts of people' by solving their issues; he also says that this aim cannot be achieved by political endeavors alone and that God's blessings are required too. He concludes on an optimistic note by expressing a vision for a peaceful world, a vision that can be attained with God's help. The speech took place at a meeting called by the Students Islamic Organisation of India: Terrorism - Reality and Solutions.Yes589http://pad.ma/Vt3kxd6t/info2008-02-27weekly1.0An evening with the youth of Prerna Sangathan, Jogeshwarihttp://pad.ma/Vt3kxd6t/poster.75.jpgPrerna youth work out of a small community centre called Prerna Vachnalaya (library) in Jogeshwari. They meet in the evenings to discuss local and global issues. They were active during the post 9/11 protests and dissent in the city. Performed several street plays on the war in Afghanistan, Iraq etc.Yes2409http://pad.ma/Vu5yjxy6/info2008-06-23weekly1.0A day in the life of Sandeep Gawde. Morning: Riding to work. Worli to Prabhadevihttp://pad.ma/Vu5yjxy6/poster.75.jpgFootage from a day spent with Sandeep Gawde documenting his movement patterns in the city. Sandeep lives close to his workplace. Even though he commutes in 'rush hour', Sandeep rides in the opposite direction. He gets to work in ten minutes. (worli Koliwada to Rachna Sansad, Prabhadevi.Yes462http://pad.ma/Vh5fhail/info2008-04-29weekly1.0A day in the life of Selina Uttankar. Malad to Elphinstone Fish Markethttp://pad.ma/Vh5fhail/poster.75.jpgFootage from the day spent with Selina Uttankar, a native of Manori Village, Mumbai documenting her movement patterns in the city. She leaves with her sister and colleague Hareshwar, to sell fish at the Elphinstone Fish Market, Mumbai. Rickshaw to Malad and then train (in the maalgaadi, goods compartment) to Elphinstone Road.Yes1148http://pad.ma/Vt48mgnl/info2009-02-08weekly1.0Disket Document: Dinner debatehttp://pad.ma/Vt48mgnl/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. Here, after a bizarre day, that began with breakfast and a conversation with the VHP 'paratrooper', Mr. Dewan, and ended with the closed-door round table becoming a public address-cum-cultural programme organised by army officers' wives (as part of operation Sadbhavna), the participants are chatting over dinner. Several strains from previous conversations continue. Here they discuss women's law and property rights. The participants consist of : Shaina - Shaina Anand SA – Shubhadra Anand, Historian (Former Principal and Professor of History, R. D. National College, Bandra, Mumbai) IE – Irfan Engineer, Social Activist and Advocate (Director - Center for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai) MM – Meena Menon, Political and Trade Union Activist (Vice President, Girni Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti (Mill Workers' Action Committee) and Senior Associate, Focus on the Global South) RM - Rama Menon, journalist NS - Nandini Sunder, journalist SV - Siddharth Vardarajan, Former Editor, Times of India; currently the Strategic Affairs Editor, The Hindu. KMC- Kamal Mitra Chenoy, Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru UniversityYes2022http://pad.ma/Vulnuzhh/info2009-12-13weekly1.0Archive Fever and the Delirium of Copyright: Lawrence Lianghttp://pad.ma/Vulnuzhh/poster.75.jpgIn the early days of pad.ma, October 2007, the collaborators meet in Mumbai. Lawrence Liang from the Alternative Law Forum made this presentation at the Majlis cultural center to a small invited audience, mostly pad.ma crew and some peers from the film-making community. The intention was to inspire, to have us question our own ideas about what constitute publics and archives and confront our own enemies: ego, authority and copyright.Yes5536http://pad.ma/Vu5yjrro/info2008-02-26weekly1.0 Vamnali hall public meeting: manufacturing consent, infotainmenthttp://pad.ma/Vu5yjrro/poster.75.jpgRough cut starts with shots of Dadar station. Meeting at Dadar called by Trade Union Solidarity Committee members after September 11, to condemn America's preparations for war in Afghanistan. Towards the latter portion of this clip, the filmmaker – Shaina Anand (SA) again turns the camera on mainstream media to follow the aftermath of 9/11 – the anthrax attacks, the attacks on Sikhs, the USA Patriot Act... numerous instances where the discerning individual should have an inkling as to the hypocrisy of America's War on Terror. The parody is more pronounced when we see scenes from the satirical American animated sitcom – The Simpsons, juxtaposed with the highly suggestive lyrics in two Hindi songs. Back and forth parallel cutting between Bush and Modi ensure the viewer detects the religious fundamentalism both leaders propagate.Yes1269http://pad.ma/Vgopz77j/info2009-02-09weekly1.0Interview with Trade Union Activist Meena Menonhttp://pad.ma/Vgopz77j/poster.75.jpgMeena Menon (MM) is a long-standing trade union activist, and Vice President of the Girni Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti (Mill Workers' Action Committee). She was on the committee that organised the 2004 World Social Forum (WSF) in Mumbai. Here she talks with Shaina Anand (SA) about the effects of globalisation in a post-911 world, and particularly in post-911 India. Meena argues strongly against globalisation, attempting to bring to our notice the unseen (or largely ignored) pitfalls associated with the same. She lays emphasis on the responsibility of the middle class to effect positive social change, the need for alternative discourse so as to result in a socially and morally responsible populace. and the unseen (or largely ignored) pitfalls associated with globalisation. Yes3354http://pad.ma/Vdy19dq0/info2008-02-25weekly1.0WSF Mumbai: Performance, protest, song, dancehttp://pad.ma/Vdy19dq0/poster.75.jpgFootage covering various activist groups sloganeering and performing folk dances in support of their causes during World Social Forum, Mumbai at NSE grounds, Goregaon.Yes1090http://pad.ma/Vs7c9fzh/info2009-02-07weekly1.0BUILD Malegaonhttp://pad.ma/Vs7c9fzh/poster.75.jpginterview with an activist from Bombay Urban Industrial League for Development (BUILD), an NGO working on socio-economic development issues. He is reporting about a fact finding mission they had undertaken in Malegaon in the wake of the riots in October 2001.Yes798http://pad.ma/Vg7uxjsi/info2008-02-26weekly1.0Speech by S.S Hosseini, president of the Student Islamic Organization. (SIO)http://pad.ma/Vg7uxjsi/poster.75.jpgFootage from Tellavision Mumbai. S.S Hosseini the president of the Student Islamic Organization (SIO) delivers a speech on Terrorism: Reality and Solutions, a symposium organised by the SIO. Here he defines terrorism, cites examples of America's interventions and disregard for international law and the United Nations. He opines that a selective approach in dealing with terrorism is harmful and under no circumstances should we give it a communal color. He concludes by stressing on how India should not support America's war on Afghanistan and harks back to India's foreign policy during the NAM years.Yes1075http://pad.ma/Vhadvidb/info2008-02-21weekly1.0A day in the life of Sandeep Gawde: Interview at Rachna Sansad College.http://pad.ma/Vhadvidb/poster.75.jpgFootage from a day spent with Sandeep Gawde documenting his movement patterns in the city. A tea break and an interview with Sandeep near the college canteen. He talks about livelhood, work-culture and his daily life working 2 jobs. (He works his first shift as a peon at Rachna Sansad., his evening job is with Dominoes as a pizza delivery boy)Yes1479http://pad.ma/Veva0r90/info2008-02-27weekly1.0An evening with the youth of Prerna Sangathan,Jogeshwarihttp://pad.ma/Veva0r90/poster.75.jpgPrerna youth work out of a small community center called Prerna Vachnalaya (library). They meet in the evenings to discuss local and world issues. Very active during the post 9/11 protests and dissent in the city. Performed several street plays on the war in Afghanistan, Iraq etc. Here they sing Jageera... a political song whose lyrics are continually updated to be current and relevant. They also sing some womens liberation songs. Shots of their library and some press clippings from the october 1 demonstration on Currey road where Prerna enacted a street play.Yes971http://pad.ma/Vg906yjj/info2008-09-30weekly1.0A day in the life of Sandeep Gawde. Evening. Job 2http://pad.ma/Vg906yjj/poster.75.jpgFootage from a day spent with Sandeep Gawde documenting his movement patterns in the city. Sandeep, having freshened up at home, heads back towards Siddhivinayak for his second job, htat of a pizza delivery man at Dominoes.Yes1418http://pad.ma/Vsnr5iij/info2009-01-09weekly1.0WSF Mumbai: Protest, song and dance.http://pad.ma/Vsnr5iij/poster.75.jpgFootage from WSF Mumbai, where people from many countries and states in India sloganeer and perform folk dances in support of their causes. There are various groups. Some wear their traditional costumes and perform, some have slogans on their t-shirts. Some carry banners, hold placards, sloganeer and sing. There is either music or chanting as the multicultural colourful groups march or dance by.Yes1055http://pad.ma/Vdxhkhej/info2008-02-21weekly1.0A day in the life of Sandeep Gawde: Evening deliveries.http://pad.ma/Vdxhkhej/poster.75.jpg. Footage from a day spent with Sandeep Gawde documenting his movement patterns in the city. Here, Sandeep does his first delivery for the day. Sunset, heading to worli sea-face.Yes2068http://pad.ma/Vfbrltai/info2008-08-18weekly1.0A day in the life of Sandeep Gawde. Evening: End of shift 1http://pad.ma/Vfbrltai/poster.75.jpgFootage from a day spent with Sandeep Gawde documenting his movement patterns in the city. Here, Sandeep leaves his day job at the college and takes his bike home to get ready for his second job. Returning home from Prabhadevi to Worli Koliwada, Mumbai.Yes994http://pad.ma/Vfsom79x/info2010-02-26weekly1.0A day in the life of Lajja Shah. Afternoon.Train to Dadar.http://pad.ma/Vfsom79x/poster.75.jpgLajja Shah is a freelance stylist residing in Malad E. Most days are unpredictable and are spent networking through the city. Speed, mobility and connectivity are crucial; all modes of transport are exploited. Here filmmaker Shaina Anand (SA) follows Lajja on the train from Andheri station to Dadar station, as Lajja makes her way from the suburbs of Mumbai, into town.Yes1095http://pad.ma/Ve2apbeh/info2008-02-28weekly1.0Be Fearless + Be Bigottedhttp://pad.ma/Ve2apbeh/poster.75.jpgFootage from Tellavision Mumbai, Rahul a young social activist from Nirbhay Bano Andolan (Be fearless Movement) speaks fearlessly about the events that occurred in the aftermath of 9/11, specifically America's war on terrorism and what are it's socio political and economic implications for Indians and the rest of the world. The interview takes place opposite VT station , in front of Jhunka Bakar Trust. Following in order of the raw footage is an interview, what could be called VOX POP, or popular voice by mainstream media. Retaliation is justified. If Taliban kills, innocents (Afghanis must die!)Yes1099http://pad.ma/Vg8iid3h/info2008-06-20weekly1.0An anti-POTA demonstration on Human Rights Day, 2001, Mumbaihttp://pad.ma/Vg8iid3h/poster.75.jpgA group of activists from various organizations held a demonstration on December 10 2001 (international human rights day), to express their opposition to POTO (Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance), outside Hanuman Mandir, Dadar TT, Mumbai.Yes902http://pad.ma/Vt34unb3/info2009-02-18weekly1.0 Economics Professor Ritu Dewanhttp://pad.ma/Vt34unb3/poster.75.jpgShaina Anand converses with Ritu Dewan, A Professor of Gender Economics teaching at the University of Mumbai. Their conversation attempts to unveils possible underlying hazards beneath the guise of globalisation, and delves deep into the economics motivating America and its policies. Ritu attempts to expose a host of contradictions within the West's rhetoric on topics such as 'structural adjustment programmes,' the war on Iraq, Afghanistan; the deadlocked WTO rounds, especially at Doha, and more. She comments on what she believes to be the reasons for the 'failure' of an alternate rhetoric in response to this. However, Ritu also provides a number of possible solutions to these issues, encouraging the youth to question, critique, and join in the movement for improvement in whatever manner or means by which they can. Yes3432http://pad.ma/Vi3jmwvq/info2008-04-22weekly1.0A day in the life of Selina Uttankar. Home and beachhttp://pad.ma/Vi3jmwvq/poster.75.jpgFootage from the day spent with Selina Uttankar, a native of Manori Village, Mumbai documenting her movement patterns in the city. Traditional Koli occupation. Selina gets home at noon. Washes up and tends to her newborn. Cooks lunch, nurses infant and then gets ready to head to the beach to buy the new catch of the day. At home and at the fish market on the beach, Manori. Koli way of life. Traditional occupations. Machimar. Mumbai.Yes1392http://pad.ma/Vsmpxxyx/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Some time spent with Hareshwar on Manori beach.http://pad.ma/Vsmpxxyx/poster.75.jpgFootage from the day spent with Selina Uttankar and Hereshwar Patil, natives of Manori Village, Mumbai documenting their movement patterns in the city. Traditional Koli fishing occupation.Yes535http://pad.ma/Vi2hvh3z/info2008-02-21weekly1.0War on Iraq Protest at Azad Maidanhttp://pad.ma/Vi2hvh3z/poster.75.jpgYes393http://pad.ma/Vfg49mgl/info2008-06-23weekly1.0A day in the life of Sandeep Gawde. Morning to Noon. Days work at Rachna Sansad Collegehttp://pad.ma/Vfg49mgl/poster.75.jpgFootage from a day spent with Sandeep Gawde documenting his movement patterns in the city. Here we spend a day with him as he works his first shift as a peon at Rachna Sansad. (his evening job is with Dominoes as a pizza delivery boy)Yes1099http://pad.ma/Vhadr72u/info2008-02-24weekly1.0A day in the life of Selina Uttankar. Early morning: Train from Malad yo Elphinstone Road Market.http://pad.ma/Vhadr72u/poster.75.jpgFootage from the day spent with Selina Uttankar, a native of Manori Village, Mumbai documenting her movement patterns in the city. Traditional Koli occupation. Mumbai. Arriving at Elphinstone Road station. Walking to the market. Auction and brisk sales at the fish market.Yes1747http://pad.ma/Vdy1bhwf/info2008-02-23weekly1.0WSF Mumbai: Performance, protest, song, dancehttp://pad.ma/Vdy1bhwf/poster.75.jpgFootage from WSF Mumbai, specifically the people in yellow t-shirts playing the Nashik <i> dhol </i>, while the others do an elaborate dance in formation, while playing tassled cymbals. Various activist groups sloganeer and perform folk dances in support of their causes.Yes455http://pad.ma/Vt89jdgt/info2009-02-08weekly1.0Jashn-e-Azadi Video chat with Sanjay Kakhttp://pad.ma/Vt89jdgt/poster.75.jpg<i>Jashn-e-Azadi</i> (How We Celebrate Freedom, 2007) is the latest work to have been produced by acclaimed documentary film maker Sanjay Kak. The film, which took over three years to make, examines the violence of the last two decades in the struggle for <i>azadi</i> (freedom) in Kashmir's complex history with India. Kak himself has stated that the movie, while focusing primarily on the situation in Kashmir, also subversively examines "... the degrees of freedom in India." This fact was borne out by the disruption of the Mumbai screening of <i>Jashn-e-Azadi</i> by the police on the 27th of July, 2007. The police broke into a screening of the film organised by VIKALP, a group of independent documentary film-makers that constitute Films For Freedom (FFF), and confiscated the DVD, claiming that the showing could not proceed without an appropriate censor certificate due to the fact that the film was supposedly 'needlessly provocative', 'inflammatory' and 'might create a law and order problem.' Ashok Pandit, a Mumbai-based film-maker and member of the Kashmiri Pandit group, <i>Panun Kashmir</i> backed the actions taken by the police, stating “This city is sitting on a volcano. It has been hit by terrorism. This film looks like it has been produced by Bin Laden. In the name of freedom of expression, we must not allow anyone to sell terrorism.” (sic!) Kak fought back by stating that the need for a censor certificate was moot at a private showing. However, the police held strong on the issue and the subsequent screening of the film at Prithvi House, Juhu on the 30th of July, 2007 was also prevented. In protest against this censorship, Majlis arranged for a private viewing of <i>Jashn-e-Azadi</i> on August 4, 2008. Following the screening, Majlis, in association with CAMP, asked Sanjay Kak, who had returned to Delhi after the aborted screenings to join the audience for a quick conversation via Skype post screening. Opening with a few clips taken from the film itself, the recording then proceeds with footage of the interview itself. CAMP, KRVIA, Wilson College, and others also arranged to have private showings of the film. Yes2168http://pad.ma/Vhqlrb54/info2008-02-27weekly1.0A day in the life of Lajja Shah.Andheri East to Channel Vhttp://pad.ma/Vhqlrb54/poster.75.jpgLajja Shah is a freelance stylist residing in Malad E. Most days are unpredictable and are spent networking through the city. Speed, mobility and connectivity are crucial; all modes of transport are exploited.Here filmmaker Shaina Anand (SA) follows Lajja as she travels from Andheri East to Andheri West, by auto rickshaw.Yes1310http://pad.ma/Vs7c79t1/info2008-02-27weekly1.0A day in the life of Selina Uttankar. Late morning, heading home.http://pad.ma/Vs7c79t1/poster.75.jpgFootage from the day spent with Selina Uttankar, a native of Manori Village, Mumbai documenting her movement patterns in the city. Traditional Koli occupation. Mid Morning, Selina leaves the fish market and heads back to Malad by train and then to Malad the jetty by bus,. Mumbai.Yes1186http://pad.ma/Vsmjvwfl/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Elgin movie theatre- workers' interviewshttp://pad.ma/Vsmjvwfl/poster.75.jpg-Footage from WICITYTV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivaji Nagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Elgin Talkies is a 116-year-old decrepit cinema house in Shivaji Nagar that still uses carbon arc projectors. Older than cinema itself, it was first a playhouse, and its logbook catalogues a veritable history of early cinema from silent films to the screening of India’s first talkie, Alam Ara. Gaurav Chandelya spent 48 hours inside Elgin, clocking the daily films and changes. The film, [http://chitrakarkhana.net/elgintalkies.htm Kahani Elgin Ki ] was aired on local cable.Yes1354http://pad.ma/Vhlsjkzx/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Speech by Kumar Ketkar the editor of Maharashtra Times, Khilafat Househttp://pad.ma/Vhlsjkzx/poster.75.jpgFootage from the Tellavision Mumbai project. Kumar Ketkar, senior journalist and the editor of Maharashtra Times delivers an impassioned speech on the genesis of “terrorism” as we know it today and America's involvement in it, at a meeting called by the Students Islamic Organisation of India: Terrorism- Reality and Solutions. The meeting took place at Khilafat House, Byculla, Mumbai on 2nd November 2001.Yes1415http://pad.ma/Vuhqxjzx/info2009-02-09weekly1.0Disket Document: Midnight Conversationshttp://pad.ma/Vuhqxjzx/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. Two of the participants, Rama Menon (RM) and Meena Menon (MM), are sharing a room. In this clip, Shaina Anand (SA) puts them in the spotlight as they conduct a post-mortem on the many strains of conversation which occurred over dinner earlier, with particular reference to Maulana Dehlvi’s (MD) observations and insights, as well as his reactions to their viewpoints The participants consist of : SA - Shaina Anand SH – Shubhadra Anand, Historian (Former Principal and Professor of History, R. D. National College, Bandra, Mumbai ) MM – Meena Menon, Political and Trade Union Activist (Vice President, Girni Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti (Mill Workers' Action Committee) and Senior Associate, Focus on the Global South) RM - Rama Menon, journalist.Yes1548http://pad.ma/Vgtkaskf/info2008-06-06weekly1.0A day in the life of Lajja Shah. Mahalaxmi to Worlihttp://pad.ma/Vgtkaskf/poster.75.jpgLajja Shah is a freelance stylist residing in Malad E. Most days are unpredictable and are spent networking through the city. Speed, mobility and connectivity are crucial; all modes of transport are exploited. Here, filmmaker Shaina Anand (SA) follows Lajja on from Dadar station to Mahalaxmi, and then by taxi from Mahalaxmi station to Atria Mall, on Dr Annie Besant Road in Worli.Yes1060http://pad.ma/Vs5uf8j3/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Talk with Nikhil Anand in Bandrahttp://pad.ma/Vs5uf8j3/poster.75.jpgNikhil Anand talks to citizens of Bandra, the last sunday group at chez nous building in Bandra. His talk was titled globalised civilisation or civilised globalisation . Nikhil was also associate director for the tellavision Mumbai project.Yes667http://pad.ma/Vu5mixyv/info2008-02-27weekly1.0A walk with Peter Papri, head of the Machimar Sangh, Manori Beachhttp://pad.ma/Vu5mixyv/poster.75.jpgA conversation with Peter Papri, head of the Machimar Sangh, Manori Beach.Yes833http://pad.ma/Vt81k3o6/info2008-02-21weekly1.0Elgin Talkies oldest cinema: Posters, old officehttp://pad.ma/Vt81k3o6/poster.75.jpgFootage from WICITYTV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivaji Nagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Elgin Talkies is a 116-year-old decrepit cinema house in Shivaji Nagar that still uses carbon arc projectors. Older than cinema itself, it was first a playhouse, and its logbook catalogues a veritable history of early cinema from silent films to the screening of India’s first talkie, Alam Ara. Gaurav Chandelya spent 48 hours inside Elgin, clocking the daily films and changes.The film, Kahani Elgin Ki [http://chitrakarkhana.net/elgintalkies.htm] was aired on local cable.Yes638http://pad.ma/Vsb500x1/info2009-02-09weekly1.0Teesta Setalvaad: Combat Communalismhttp://pad.ma/Vsb500x1/poster.75.jpgShaina Anand (SA ) interviews Teesta Setalvad – Civil Rights Activist. Nikhil Anand also present poses a few questions from the perspective of urban Indian youth. Throughout the interview, she seeks to highlight issues like the irony that an Indian can relate to the Afghan war, because it involves the criminalisation of a religion, Islam, rather than what is happening much closer to home, and at home. She provides various reasons, stating that post colonial India has managed to severe ties with its neighbours, because the elite who were in power sought links more with the Western world. She also said that India, especially the Bombay police, has a history of set bias against Indian Muslims, a sentiment widely prevalent the nation over. She also talks about repressive laws that came about to counter-terrorism that, she opines, choked protesters rather than the terrorists, highlighting a need to look at existing laws and why they are not implemented correctly. Secularism is under attack in India as a result, and more and more, there is a gaping distance between the people's movement... and the people. In campuses, Right Wing politics are rampant, whereas the Left gathers in pockets and discuss amongst themselves. There is a need for the Left to reconsolidate its argument. She condemns the media's representation of 9/11 and the events thereafter as a polarisation of the world on religious lines, stating that the notion of religion needs to be de-linked from the notion of the state. Once a group of people, part of a larger movement, resort to violence, the entire movement loses credibility – something that has happened to the Naxalbari Movement in India. Restraint is needed in conflict resolution.Yes2058http://pad.ma/Vevk1h5p/info2008-02-26weekly1.0A day in the life of Lajja Shah. Evening: Atria Millenium Mall, Worli to Lower Parelhttp://pad.ma/Vevk1h5p/poster.75.jpgLajja Shah is a freelance stylist residing in Malad E. Most days are unpredictable and are spent networking through the city. Speed, mobility and connectivity are crucial; all modes of transport are exploited. Here, filmmaker Shaina Anand (SA) follows Lajja in Atria Millenium Mall, as she picks up clothes from stores for photo shoots that she is the stylist for. After she finishes shopping, she takes a taxi back to Mahalaxmi station and then hops on the train. She reaches Lower Parel.Yes1248http://pad.ma/Vu1jabf7/info2008-02-21weekly1.0Elgin Talkies oldest cinema: posters, tickets, film canshttp://pad.ma/Vu1jabf7/poster.75.jpgFootage from WICITYTV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivajinagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Elgin Talkies is a 116-year-old decrepit cinema house in Shivajinagar that still uses carbon arc projectors. Older than cinema itself, it was first a playhouse, and its logbook catalogues a veritable history of early cinema from silent films to the screening of India’s first talkie, Alam Ara. Gaurav Chandelya spent 48 hours inside Elgin, clocking the daily films and changes.The film, Kahani Elgin Ki [http://chitrakarkhana.net/elgintalkies.htm] was aired on local cable. (http://chitrakarkhana.net/whycitytv.htm)Yes1277http://pad.ma/Veeqq3dh/info2009-01-13weekly1.0Speech by Janab Maulana Aijaz Islamsaab, Khilafat Househttp://pad.ma/Veeqq3dh/poster.75.jpgFootage from Tellavision Mumbai. Janab Maulana Aijaz Islamsaab delivers a speech in which he opines that our efforts to root out terrorism from the world need to start by focusing on similar issues within India. He says that the well meaning citizens of our country need to make whatever efforts they can to solve the problem of terrorism. He stresses on the sanctity of human life and says that any action that leads to the death of any innocent person is condemnable even in the eyes of god. MA speaks about many instances of America’s unjust policies and it’s manipulation of the Security Council. He bemoans the misuse of the term <i>Jihad</i> and clarifies it’s real meaning. MA also opines that India must examine it's own stand on the War in Afghanistan he says that we should stick to the principles on which our constitution has been based. He also asserts that the long term solution to the problem of terrorism lies in dialogue and discussion. He commends India for being able to sustain democracy despite many short comings and concludes by congratulating the participants of the symposium. The speech took place at a meeting called by the Students Islamic Organisation of India: Terrorism- Reality and Solutions.Yes1488http://pad.ma/Vfrhmmwq/info2008-05-27weekly1.0A day in the life of Sandeep Gawde. Morning Worli Koliwadahttp://pad.ma/Vfrhmmwq/poster.75.jpgFootage from a day spent with Sandeep Gawde documenting his movement patterns in the city. Sandep lives in Worli Koliwada.Yes879http://pad.ma/Vfgg8ia5/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Tellavision Mumbai: demonstration, locomotion, televisionhttp://pad.ma/Vfgg8ia5/poster.75.jpgTellavision Mumbai is a documentation of one delicately poised edge of global conflict, a documentation of public action post September 11. This rough cut starts with boarding the train at Bandra station. Now from the train, sometimes from the road, one gets a peak into Mumbai along the city's lifeline – its Suburban Railway Line. Slums, mills and crowds of people. Finally, destination reached... Currey Road where an antiwar protest is taking place. A street play is performed to show how India and Pakistan are re-aligning to America's whims. On the train journey back, more of Mumbai's landscape is revealed till the filmmaker turns the camera on the media and its coverage of what is referred to as the world's first television war – America's war in Afghanistan. We see news clippings from BBC, CNN, NDTV and other channels. We watch Bush try to justify his 'war against terror' as the filmmaker deftly parallels these arguments with similar statements made by Chief Minister of Gujarat and controversial right wing Hindu hardliner Narendra Modi.Yes1185http://pad.ma/Vsbn3n19/info2008-04-29weekly1.0Elgin Talkies - Fandom / Night Showhttp://pad.ma/Vsbn3n19/poster.75.jpgFootage from WICITYTV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivaji Nagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Elgin Talkies is a 116-year-old decrepit cinema house in Shivaji Nagar that still uses carbon arc projectors. Older than cinema itself, it was first a playhouse, and its logbook catalogues a veritable history of early cinema from silent films to the screening of India’s first talkie, Alam Ara. Gaurav Chandelya spent 48 hours inside Elgin, clocking the daily films and changes.The film, Kahani Elgin Ki [http://chitrakarkhana.net/elgintalkies.htm] was aired on local cable. (http://chitrakarkhana.net/whycitytv.htm)Yes3291http://pad.ma/Vs6ih4lm/info2008-06-17weekly1.0Rickshaw Billboards publicising WIChttp://pad.ma/Vs6ih4lm/poster.75.jpgRickshaw with the billboard publicizing World Information City, with three rickshaws carrying the 'Good Question' series, 'Who Owns Your Knowledge' and 'You are free to download..' billboards respectively, driving around the streets of Bangalore in the night-time.Yes49http://pad.ma/Vt3ss7b7/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Collateral damage of breaking news: discussion part 1http://pad.ma/Vt3ss7b7/poster.75.jpgLawrence Liang, Arundhati Roy and Shuddha participate in a panel discussion about the 'Collateral damage of breaking news', based on the title of an article written by Roy.Yes1994http://pad.ma/Vezd9b8d/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Discussion on Bordershttp://pad.ma/Vezd9b8d/poster.75.jpgFelix Stalder, Shuddhabrata Sengupta, David Lyon and Florian Schneider have a discussion on borders.Yes1558http://pad.ma/Vuhusvf7/info2008-04-28weekly1.0Amin, Sengupta, Kant conversationhttp://pad.ma/Vuhusvf7/poster.75.jpgA conversation between Shuddhabrata Sengupta, Ravi Kant and Shahid Amin about history, the archives etc.Yes1274http://pad.ma/Vfbzerhj/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Collateral damage of breaking news: discussion part twohttp://pad.ma/Vfbzerhj/poster.75.jpgRoy, Liang and Shuddha discussion on the collateral damage of breaking news continues.Yes3370http://pad.ma/Vhr3792g/info2008-02-21weekly1.0Raja, Kashif, Tanejahttp://pad.ma/Vhr3792g/poster.75.jpgYes3603http://pad.ma/Vgue59vx/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Someplace (by S. Gowda)http://pad.ma/Vgue59vx/poster.75.jpgEach window was covered over with translite films and transformed into a readymade light-box. The photographs printed onto these translite films were of other translite boxes that one typically encounters in the relatively newer bus stands in Bangalore. The wall surface was painted white and drawn over with loose, gestural black and grey brush marks that made it resemble a marble surface. Interspersed within the brush marks were dotted lines that guided the eye to textual annotations. The third section of the installation was a sculptural assemblage of GI pupes where segments of pipe were linked up together. As one pressed ones ear to openings in the pipe, voices made themselves audible.Yes56http://pad.ma/Vgu26j5z/info2008-02-21weekly1.0Wolfgang Sutzl interviews Lata Manihttp://pad.ma/Vgu26j5z/poster.75.jpgWolfgang Sutzl interviews Lata Mani.Yes1026http://pad.ma/Vhr353wo/info2009-02-02weekly1.0Becker interviews Royhttp://pad.ma/Vhr353wo/poster.75.jpgInterview of Arundhati Roy by Konrad Becker, around the World Information City event. Yes1607http://pad.ma/Vt87tt6s/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Stalder, Klutenberg answer questionshttp://pad.ma/Vt87tt6s/poster.75.jpgStalder, Klutenberg have a question and answer session.Yes1553http://pad.ma/Vhlue5th/info2008-04-29weekly1.0Eric Klutenberg talkhttp://pad.ma/Vhlue5th/poster.75.jpgEric Klutenberg about the media situation in the Netherlands.Yes613http://pad.ma/Vsn9ckfe/info2008-02-21weekly1.0David Lyon Q and Ahttp://pad.ma/Vsn9ckfe/poster.75.jpgQuestion and Answer sessions with David Lyon about surveillance, information etcetera.Yes776http://pad.ma/Vg981rnm/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Case: Television Interview with Manjit Singhhttp://pad.ma/Vg981rnm/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. The media too got its share by producing substantial amount of programme around the debate. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on the midnight of 15th August 2005, the independence day of India. In the campaign against the ban most vocal were two organizations – Bar owners association and Bar dancers union. Both these organizes quickly consolidated their base in order to make the protest campaign substantial. They were public meetings, press conferences, press statement, rallies and television interviews. This event is a television interview of Manjit Singh, the president of the bar owners association at the peak of the campaign. His apparent confidence in this interview proves that initially they were very hopeful to win the battle. But later things detoriated fast as R R Patil, the home minister in the state cabinet took up the issue like a mission. Mr. Manjit Singh was persecuted, harassed and jailed many times by the state. But this interview was taken at the beginning of the season. Yes1300http://pad.ma/Vha20aru/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Speak: Testimonies at Public Hearing 5http://pad.ma/Vha20aru/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on 15th August 2005, on the occasion of independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. In the history of Indian democracy there are a very few bills that was passes with such absolute agreement. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT university along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. Five days after the ban three city organisations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College suditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. In this event some bar dancers gave testimonies. Yes558http://pad.ma/Vtjoavt1/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Roadside Shrines: BMC Demolition Drivehttp://pad.ma/Vtjoavt1/poster.75.jpgA woman named Jaya Dhure runs her late husband's roadside shrine which was razed recently by the govt. officials despite having the requisite paperwork. The locals & passersby rally around her to let the shrine continue to exist. The location of the shrine at the cusp of the market behind and the road in front offers a streetscape around the broken shrine shows the accessibility of the temple which is inherently convenient for passersby and devotees. despite have the paperwork, officials are finicky and end up using these local pockets of activity sometimes to even do nothing more than make an example of, be it the destruction of the shrine marking it as a supposed illegal structure, or the backing of it to for legitimization and personal gain. Towards late 2003, the BMC, acting under High Court Orders, started a massive drive to clear illegal road side shrines. The court order was passed as a consequence of a Public Interest Litigation filed by a citizen, Mr. Bhagwan Raiyani. There were various allegations and various protests mounted from all sides. There were city planning 'experts' who felt the shrines were a obstruction to public thoroughfare. There were those who felt that some shrines had become a site for the outbreak of violence during the 1992-1993 riots. There were politicians and religious interests who wanted to defend the shrines. There were newspaper stories of policemen feeling unhappy with the demolition. And shrine 'owners' or custodians, and others who frequented the shrines, who protested the demolition.Yes498http://pad.ma/Vtky2iee/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Sanyukta Maharashtra: Talk Show 4http://pad.ma/Vtky2iee/poster.75.jpgThe Sanyukta Maharashtra Movement in 1950s, was the most important post-independent political movement in Bombay. The movement received active support from parties and groups whose ideological base ranged from radical left to the centerist. Popularly it is referred as a movement for assertion of the rights of majority language group - Marathi, and thus the inclusion of Bombay in the Maharashtra state is considered as the victory of the movement. But actually the historical period at which the movement picked up momentum was a junction between the existing vibrant trade union movement in the city and the beginning of identity politics in the region. We felt it is important to revisit the movement in order to understand the present social scenario. A discussion session was organized between various active members of the movement. Though initially the discussion centred around the overwhelming reach of the movement, by this time it moved to the issues of post-colonial patterns in our public life.Yes1057http://pad.ma/Vhm508zb/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Speak: Testimonies at Public Hearing 2http://pad.ma/Vhm508zb/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on the midnight of 15th August 2005, the independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. In the history of Indian democracy there are a very few bills that was passes with such absolute agreement. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. There were also other petitions from the Bar owners’ association, women’s groups and others. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT university along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. The media too covered the issue quite extensively. On 12th April 2006 the Bombay High Court struck down the ban as unconstitutional. The Govt. appealed to the Supreme Court and thus affectively kept the bar closed inspite of the High court order. Presently the case is subjudiced. Still the initial win in the High Court in the face of such heightened morality campaign meant a lot. In the intermediary period of the implementation of the ban and the High Court judgement, three city organizations, three city organisations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College suditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. In this event some bar dancers gave testimonies. Yes431http://pad.ma/Vsru9pbq/info2009-07-10weekly1.0Popular Cultures: Migrant Street Theatrehttp://pad.ma/Vsru9pbq/poster.75.jpgFor a quarter century now, a large number migrants from Uttar Pradesh have been staging a Ramleela on Film City Road, Goregaon, East, Bombay. This annual event, which is staged over ten days and more, during Dusshera, is very popular among the community living in the area. The performance happens just adjacent to the road. A stage is put up flanking the traffic. There is an enthusiastic participation in performance. As the organizer said, not on camera, he feels that if a young boy can face an audience on stage, he is well equipped to face Bombay. There is a sense of a community negotiating its way through a city. In 2003, the Shiv Sena mounted a series of attacks on North Indians. They claimed the bhaiyyas were flooding the city, and that eight lac of them were appearing for the Railway Recruitment Board Examination, for posts of gangmen and unskilled labour in the Railways. They attacked a Varanasi-Bombay train in Kalyan, beat up North Indians and forced some to take outgoing trains. Subsequently, during election time, the same party tried to woo the North Indians in many Bombay pockets where they are in majority. In this context, too, the tradition of enacting Ramleelas, also becomes an occasion for creating links with political parties, and a way for a community to assert its presence in Bombay, and demand a kind of recognition and patronage from mainstream parties.Yes932http://pad.ma/Vejbx6uz/info2010-02-20weekly1.0Bar Dancer: Post Ban Performance at Ellora Bar (Live Music)http://pad.ma/Vejbx6uz/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Even some conventional women’s organizations actively supported the ban on the issue of ‘degradation of women’s body’. Some feminist organizations along with the Bar Dancers’ union came together to mobilize support against the ban. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. Several feminist organizations, bar owners’ associations and others filed cases against the ban in the Bombay high court. Majlis legal centre filed the case on behalf of the Bar dancers’ union. This is a dance performance by a bar dancer during that time. The ban was already implemented and the bars were under strict surveillance. Hence the performance had to take place in the afternoon when the bar was closed. It was part of our effort to document the performances and testimonies of the bar dancers. In this event the bar dancer dances to live music played and sang by a group of male musicians, instead of ecoded music. The presence of harmonium and table is reminiscent old mujra performances. Yes621http://pad.ma/Vfs71v72/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Speak: Testimonies at Public Hearing 4http://pad.ma/Vfs71v72/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on 15th August 2005, on the occasion of independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. In the history of Indian democracy there are a very few bills that was passes with such absolute agreement. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT university along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. Five days after the ban three city organisations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College suditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. In this event some bar dancers gave testimonies. Yes429http://pad.ma/Vfscw0zb/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Sanyukta Maharashtra: Talk Show 1http://pad.ma/Vfscw0zb/poster.75.jpgThe Sanyukta Maharashtra Movement in 1950s, was the most important post-independent political movement in Bombay. The movement received active support from parties and groups whose ideological base ranged from radical left to the centerist. Popularly it is referred as a movement for assertion of the rights of majority language group - Marathi, and thus the inclusion of Bombay in the Maharashtra state is considered as the victory of the movement. But actually the historical period at which the movement picked up momentum was a junction between the existing vibrant trade union movement in the city and the beginning of identity politics in the region. We felt it is important to revisit the movement in order to understand the present social scenario. A discussion session was organized between various active members of the movement. Anchor: Pushpa Bhave (PB), art and literary critic, teacher and social activist. Was a young student during the movement. (Unfortunately the footage with her image has got spoilt. So we only have her audio). Participants: Prof. Sadanand Varde (SV): Samajwadi (socialist) leader, economist, former state minister of education. Was in the forefront of the movement. Pushpa Trilokeka(PT): Journalist. Was part of the daily newspaper Maratha, which was considered as the mouthpiece of the movement. Tara Reddy(TR): Communist, Member of CPI (communist party of India), also active in women's movement. Was active participant of the movement. Himmatbhai Zaveri(HB): Samajwadi (socialist) leader. Also part of the Gujarati community, which was largely against the movement.Yes866http://pad.ma/Vh59nwi2/info2009-03-03weekly1.0Cityscape: Street Children on Republic Dayhttp://pad.ma/Vh59nwi2/poster.75.jpgIt was 52nd anniversary of Republic of India. The fifty two years of constitutional democracy, electoral politics, language based federalism and assertion of the nation state in public life we come to the iconic rendering of it. The nation warms up to the nation state and the metropolis makes a display of that. The authorized and prioritized citizens belonging to the middle class display their allegiance to the nation state by making the national flag a fashionable accessory. That provides some children of the lesser god an opportunity to make quick bucks. Long live the republic!Yes1571http://pad.ma/Vuhj7onn/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Sanyukta Maharashtra: Talk Show 5http://pad.ma/Vuhj7onn/poster.75.jpgThe Sanyukta Maharashtra Movement in 1950s was the most important post-independent political movement in Bombay. The movement received active support from parties and groups whose ideological base ranged from radical left to the centerist. Popularly it is referred as a movement for assertion of the rights of majority language group - Marathi, and thus the inclusion of Bombay in the Maharashtra state is considered as the victory of the movement. But actually the historical period at which the movement picked up momentum was a junction between the existing vibrant trade union movement in the city and the beginning of identity politics in the region. We felt it is important to revisit the movement in order to understand the present social scenario. A discussion session was organized between various active members of the movement. Though the discussion initially went around the evaluation of the movement, by this time the discussion invariably zeroed down on the present situation of the city. The discussion moved to the mayhem around the real estate, demographic issues and development. The ideologues that were so articulate in assessing the movement of their days - Sanyukta Maharashtra Movement - became sort of rhetorical when it came to the present situation. Anchor: Pushpa Bhave (PB), art and literary critic, teacher and social activist. Was a young student during the movement. (Unfortunately the footage with her image has got spoilt. So we only have her audio). Participants: Prof. Sadanand Varde (SV): Samajwadi (socialist) leader, economist, former state minister of education. Was in the forefront of the movement. Pushpa Trilokekar (PT): Journalist. Was part of the daily newspaper Maratha, which was considered as the mouthpiece of the movement. Tara Reddy (TR): Communist, Member of CPI (communist party of India), also active in women’s movement. Was active participant of the movement. Himmatbhai Zaveri (HB): Samajwadi (socialist) leader. Also part of the Gujarati community, which was largely against the movement.Yes1101http://pad.ma/Vfb5javr/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers: Post Ban Performance by a Senior Dancer (Geeta)http://pad.ma/Vfb5javr/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Even some conventional women’s organizations actively supported the ban on the issue of ‘degradation of women’s body’. Some feminist organizations along with the Bar Dancers’ union came together to mobilize support against the ban. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. Several feminist organizations, bar owners’ associations and others filed cases against the ban in the Bombay high court. Majlis legal centre filed the case on behalf of the Bar dancers’ union. This is a dance performance by a bar dancer during that time. The ban was already implemented and the bars were under strict surveillance. Hence the performance had to take place in the afternoon when the bar was closed. It was part of our effort to document the performances and testimonies of the bar dancers. Shot by Avijit Mukul KishoreYes347http://pad.ma/Vfsumm01/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Popular Culture: Anupam Single Screen Theatrehttp://pad.ma/Vfsumm01/poster.75.jpgA projectionist describes his work with an old carbon arc projector, in an old single screen theatre in a Bombay suburb. He talks of how he came into this profession, and how his love for cinema finally led him here. He remembers old films he has seen. He talks in detail about the projectors and the work he does on them and the skill it requires. He talks of how films have changed. In the context of the almost virulent spread of multi screen multiplexes, old single screen theatres are fast losing business. This small suburban theatre barely survives, showing a combination of B grade films, some regional films. But the projectionist is an old worker with a love for the machine he works on, and a keen understanding of it.Yes1211http://pad.ma/Vi35v80d/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancer on the Ban: An Interview with Rekhahttp://pad.ma/Vi35v80d/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. This is an interview with a bar dancer in the intermediary period when the petitions against the ban was pending in front of the Bombay court. Rekha, a migrant from a village in Punjab, is an active member of the Bar dancers’ union. Young, energetic, flamboyant Rekha has all the ordinary girly streaks in her – love for coloured contact lense, flirting with handsome men, desire to get married, preference for jeans etc. Yet she led an extra ordinary life of a stigmatized bar dancer. Dance is only the available means to her and she does not have any special love for dancing. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Interviewee Rekha (R), Interviewer- Madhusree (M) Yes995http://pad.ma/Vg9e292l/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Speak: Testimonies at Public Hearinghttp://pad.ma/Vg9e292l/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on the midnight of 15th August 2005, the independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. In the history of Indian democracy there are a very few bills that was passes with such absolute agreement. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. There were also other petitions from the Bar owners’ association, women’s groups and others. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT University along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. The media too covered the issue quite extensively. On 12th April 2006 the Bombay High Court struck down the ban as unconstitutional. The Govt. appealed to the Supreme Court and thus affectively kept the bar closed inspite of the High court order. Presently the case is subjudiced. Still the initial win in the High Court in the face of such heightened morality campaign meant a lot. In the intermediary period of the implementation of the ban and the High Court judgement, three city organizations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College suditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. After hearing the bar dancers the jury made a statement which was later presented in the court. In this event the jury is being introduced. Yes563http://pad.ma/Vt87l9db/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Sanyukta Maharashtra: Talk Show 2http://pad.ma/Vt87l9db/poster.75.jpgThe Sanyukta Maharashtra Movement in 1950s, was the most important post-independent political movement in Bombay. The movement received active support from parties and groups whose ideological base ranged from radical left to the centerist. Popularly it is referred as a movement for assertion of the rights of majority language group - Marathi, and thus the inclusion of Bombay in the Maharashtra state is considered as the victory of the movement. But actually the historical period at which the movement picked up momentum was a junction between the existing vibrant trade union movement in the city and the beginning of identity politics in the region. We felt it is important to revisit the movement in order to understand the present social scenario. A discussion session was organized between various active members of the movement. Anchor: Pushpa Bhave (PB), art and literary critic, teacher and social activist. Was a young student during the movement. (Unfortunately the footage with her image have got spoilt. So we only have her audio). Participants: Prof. Sadanand Varde(SV): Samajwadi (socialist) leader, economist, former state minister of education. Was in the forefront of the movement. Pushpa Trilokeka(PT): Journalist. Was part of the daily newspaper Maratha, which was considered as the mouthpiece of the movement. Tara Reddy(TR): Communist, Member of CPI (communist party of India), also active in women’s movement. Was active participant of the movement. Himmatbhai(HB): Samajwadi (socialist) leader. Also part of the Gujarati community, which was largely against the movement.Yes723http://pad.ma/Vhavwc6i/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Roadside Shrines : Protection from Communal Mobshttp://pad.ma/Vhavwc6i/poster.75.jpgOne of the residents; a gritty lady describes some of the events she witnessed during the 1992 riots in one of the worst affected areas of the inner city precincts. There was mayhem during this time period where a lot of people were scared for their lives. Removal of fuses, total blackouts in areas so that people could not target zones based on ethnicities; people jumping into gutters to avoid mobs; vantage points used to hurl bombs; lynching and burning of people and possessions, and all sorts of horror stories were described by this woman. If not experienced, then episodes recounted to her. She talks of her association with the shrine by her house, her faith, which she says saved her life and the lives of her children during that difficult period. She attributes the proximity to the shrine as being one of the reasons for their survival, as people, despite the threats; infact chose not to attack that space, the place of worship. During the 1992- 1993 riots, the roadside shrines had their own history, that have not been explored. In this case, the shrine evokes in the interviewee a memory of being protected by the presence of this shrine. She also evokes a memory of the maha aarti, the aartis organized by the Shiv Senas to rally Hindus together. They would often serve as beginning points for a mob attack. Maha-aartis were a direct response to namaaz that was carried out on the streetsYes1196http://pad.ma/Vfrz2rjn/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Popular Cultures: Television and Patriotismhttp://pad.ma/Vfrz2rjn/poster.75.jpg26th January, 2002, 52nd Republic day of India. The citizens of India get to feel the federalism of the republic of India only on few days: the independence day on 15th August, the republic day on 26th January, the days of the parliament elections and ofcourse the days of wars with the neighbouring countries. The nationalist sentiments run high on those days, specially in the hours spent in front of the television or with the newspaper. The orchestrated visuals that get laid out evoke range of sentiments: pride, insecurity, vulnerability, bonhomie, benevolence, power, expanse and so on. The centre of all these is the state arranged republic day parade in New Delhi. There are many other public programme that take place throughout the country on that day, but they are all smaller replicas of the master programme, both in terms of look and theme. The parade is arranged by a series of floats: by the defense ministry, by the ministry of sports, by each state, by youth, by women, by issues, by public institutions and so on.Yes3783http://pad.ma/Vt39bzxx/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancer: Post Ban Performance at Ellora Bar (Saloni, Geeta)http://pad.ma/Vt39bzxx/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars. The proposal sparked wide public debate on sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. This is a dance performance of two bar dancers.Yes344http://pad.ma/Vulo8ea4/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bar Dancers: Varsha Kale Speaks at Public Hearinghttp://pad.ma/Vulo8ea4/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The bars though have been part of the cityscape for a long time, always maintained a low profile in terms of social visibility. It seems invisibility was a kind of shield for them. A year ago some of the bar dancers try to form a trade union and evolve a few norms and practices to secure their future. One of the agenda of the union was to resist and publicise incidents of police assult. That did not go down well with the authority. It could be the temerity of these lowly women to challenge the patriarchal system or a threat of loosing the extra money that came as bribe from the bar owners and bar dancers or a development design to replace this form of entertainment with something more lucrative or anything else. But what was clear that the articulation of the union along with other things brought the bar dancers and dance bars in public visibility. The media jumped to the occasion and suddenly the whole society was debating about dance bars. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill that ban dance bars on the midnight of 15th August 2005, the independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT university along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. Five days after the ban three city organisations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College suditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. In this event some bar dancers gave testimonies. In this event Varsha Kale, the charismatic leader of the bar dancers and the president of the union speak at the public hearing. Yes1091http://pad.ma/Vum7kg71/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Juhu Beach on Sunday Eveninghttp://pad.ma/Vum7kg71/poster.75.jpgSearching for street culture and the associated aesthetics and narratives one Sunday evening we reached Juhu beach. The famous class leveler of Bombay. The beach is lined with multiple 5 star hotels and fancy eateries and designers wares. But at the foreground of the beach it also accommodates the lowest rungs of street entertainment. Open air massage, gigolo service, camel ride on the sea beach, assorted vendors, sumptuous food stalls, rides and sand castles, illegal drinks – Juhu beach has been a delight for all age and all class and immoratlised by various films and books. In 2006 the beach was cleansed and the food stalls have been re-located in neatly designed food mall. The unauthorised vendors and other services were chased out. The beach has become clean, safe, gentrifies but lost its colour. This shooting was commenced at the peak of Juhu beach’s glory.Yes1635http://pad.ma/Vfryyfwl/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Sanyukta Maharashtra: Talk Show 3http://pad.ma/Vfryyfwl/poster.75.jpgThe Sanyukta Maharashtra Movement in 1950s was the most important post-independent political movement in Bombay. The movement received active support from parties and groups whose ideological base ranged from radical left to the centerist. Popularly it is referred as a movement for assertion of the rights of majority language group - Marathi, and thus the inclusion of Bombay in the Maharashtra state is considered as the victory of the movement. But actually the historical period at which the movement picked up momentum was a junction between the existing vibrant trade union movement in the city and the beginning of identity politics in the region. We felt it is important to revisit the movement in order to understand the present social scenario. A discussion session was organized between various active members of the movement. After the initial discussion on the evaluation of the movement the discussion moved towards its impact on the state and public affair today. Anchor: Pushpa Bhave (PB), art and literary critic, teacher and social activist. Was a young student during the movement. (Unfortunately the footage with her image have got spoilt. So we only have her audio). Participants: Prof. Sadanand Varde(SV): Samajwadi (socialist) leader, economist, former state minister of education. Was in the forefront of the movement. Pushpa Trilokeka(PT): Journalist. Was part of the daily newspaper Maratha, which was considered as the mouthpiece of the movement. Tara Reddy(TR): Communist, Member of CPI (communist party of India), also active in women's movement. Was active participant of the movement. Himmatbhai(HB): Samajwadi (socialist) leader. Also part of the Gujarati community, which was largely against the movement.Yes1120http://pad.ma/Vgtunpnu/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancer on the Ban: An Interview with Salonihttp://pad.ma/Vgtunpnu/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. This is an interview with a bar dancer in the intermediary period when the petitions against the ban was pending in front of the Bombay court. Saloni was a celebrated dancer in Ellora bar. She migrated from a village in Muradabad, near Delhi, with the dream of becoming an accomplished dancer. Unlike many other dancers she neither has much of a personal life in Bombay, nor is she active in any forum such as bar dancers’ union. Bit of a recluse, Saloni just wants to dance. Saloni is in full dancing costume and make up. Determined to not miss the opportunity to once more wear the make up and costume, Saloni was very responsive during the shooting of her dance. But she turned out to be a reluctant interviewee. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Interviewee (S), Interviewer- Madhusree (M)Yes526http://pad.ma/Vfb45j81/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Popular Culture: Small Theatres Lining Bombay Roadshttp://pad.ma/Vfb45j81/poster.75.jpgThere are, in many areas of Bombay, small shop sized theatres that provide the communal experience of viewing cinema at cheap rates. Men from working class backgrounds frequent these small theatres. The video projection is not just of old films, or B grade films or pornographic content, but also relatively recent super hits. There is a licensing system and a semi- regularization of these theatres. In a way it harks back to the early day of cinemas, when cinema was a form of mass entertainments, and the Nickelodeon charged five cents for a ticket. A rough and ready seating arrangement is made in these theatres, on benches. There are exhaust fans for ventilation. There are multiple shows, often of different films.Yes724http://pad.ma/Vi74zwcz/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Conflict and Image Archiveshttp://pad.ma/Vi74zwcz/poster.75.jpgThe immediate event was a photo exhibition that had been mounted at Batmalloo, Srinagar. We were keen to look at various collectors of images in the Valley, to see what propelled different image-collections. In this case, it seemed to be an attempt to keep a sort of photographic record, mostly of army atrocities in the Valley. Shakeel Bakshi has been a student leader of the ISA, in the Valley. In this conversation, he shows us sheets from the photo exhibition, talks of the reasons for the collection and his political views. Interviewed by Jayshree and Hansa Produced by Majlis.Yes2681http://pad.ma/Vsn1o84z/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Speak: Testimonies at Public Hearing 1http://pad.ma/Vsn1o84z/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on the midnight 15th August 2005, the independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. In the history of Indian democracy there are a very few bills that was passes with such absolute agreement. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. There were also other petitions from the Bar owners’ association, women’s groups and others. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT university along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. The media too covered the issue quite extensively. On 12th April 2006 the Bombay High Court struck down the ban as unconstitutional. The Govt. appealed to the Supreme Court and thus affectively kept the bar closed inspite of the High court order. Presently the case is subjudiced. Still the initial win in the High Court in the face of such heightened morality campaign meant a lot. In the intermediary period of the implementation of the ban and the High Court judgement, three city organisations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College suditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. In this event some bar dancers gave testimonies. Yes960http://pad.ma/Veeup116/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers: Statement of the Jury at the Public Hearinghttp://pad.ma/Veeup116/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognizable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and pursued it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on 15th August 2005, on the occasion of independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. In the history of Indian democracy there are a very few bills that was passes with such absolute agreement. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT university along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. Five days after the ban three-city organisations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College auditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. In this event some bar dancers gave testimonies. This event is the culmination of the evening where the citizens’ jury submitted their statement. The statement is collected in order to use it in the court and also for the campaign. Yes916http://pad.ma/Vfrbiihr/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Sexuality, Morality and Livelihood: Activist’s Presentation on Dance Barhttp://pad.ma/Vfrbiihr/poster.75.jpgMany women's groups and organisations felt the need for a study on bar dancers, which would present the real picture of the women working in the bars. The study is called Bar dancers- workers, citizens and rights. Here the salient points of the presentation is being shared with the bar dancers and other audience.Yes668http://pad.ma/Vgdtcbj3/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Railway Station- Gateway to the Dream City: Bombay Central (Long Distance)http://pad.ma/Vgdtcbj3/poster.75.jpgBombay Central station. For some reason nobody calls it Mumbai central station except in official announcement. This is the long distance train section of the terminus. Trains to Gujarat and upper north depart from here. The station has a distinctively north Indian vibes coming from the waiting passengers. Designed by the British architect Claude Batley the station was inaugurated on 18th December 1930. The station was planned in order to rechannelise the long distant trains which were operating from the station at Colaba. This is lazy afternoon time. The trains generally arrive in the morning and depart in the evening. Some waiting passengers of the evening trains are scattered around the premise along with the mandatory vagabonds, hawkers and coolies. A still moment before the overwhelming rush. This station is one of the major gateways on the journey to the dream city. Outside the station is Bombay Central-Grant road area which is known for its mixed languages, religions and cultural ethos. Yes242http://pad.ma/Vt8dvtfn/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers: Post Ban Group Performance at Ellora Barhttp://pad.ma/Vt8dvtfn/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Even some conventional women’s organizations actively supported the ban on the issue of ‘degradation of women’s body’. Some feminist organizations along with the Bar Dancers’ union came together to mobilize support against the ban. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. Several feminist organizations, bar owners’ associations and others filed cases against the ban in the Bombay high court. Majlis legal centre filed the case on behalf of the Bar dancers’ union. This is a dance performance by a group of three dancers during that time. The ban was already implemented and the bars were under strict surveillance. Hence the performance had to take place in the afternoon when the bar was closed. It was part of our effort to document the performances and testimonies of the bar dancers. Yes465http://pad.ma/Ve2sb959/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Roadside Shrines: Shrine by the Trackshttp://pad.ma/Ve2sb959/poster.75.jpgA hole in the wall erected by the railways (besides being an access walkway for commuters) which separates the railway line from this locality allows the commuters to view the shrine. Hence besides the locals, the commuter public who are regulars at that station inadvertently have 'access' to the shrine. They can visit the temple, either from the stations, or if they are commuters, do 'darshan' from the train itself. Sometimes, these shrines become religious markers for anyone who wants to associate themselves to the site. This is very site specific as it becomes a ritual and is convenient as it does not deviate from their usual route. A silent acknowledgement by way of nod or folded hands to reaffirm faith. The idea behind Vidya's project was to look at local histories, and communities that organize themselves around roadside shrines. This particular shrine meant a lot to people who lived, in the poverty stricken area around it. The locals believe that the frequency of deaths on the tracks, and suicides, reduced after the benign eye of Sai Baba protected the area once the shrine was constructed. Sai Baba is an interesting 'deity'/saint, he has been variously seen as a saint cutting across religions, and also, appropriated as the saint of one particular faith. The young boys of the locality, all aged between 18-21 mainly though the age group extends to about 35, initiated this shrine and chose Sai Baba with the 'sab ka maalik ek"(We all have one master) slogan. This was adopted to initiate a practice of neutrality between all the sections of the locality and to bring people from different religions together. The boy interviewed-Rupesh Kabre explains how the locality, usually reticent and self preservatory,began working more as a unit, and how the living conditions improved along with a sense of civic duty. The space became clean due to the presence of the shrine, and everyone chipped in, in terms of time and even money, to get things started. Troubles crop up, in terms of land dispute and the odd scuffle, but overall the mood is upbeat as there is purpose. The networks established have been fruitful in helping ailing people, accident victims, and people who need an immediate resource of manpower. The boys were being monitored by the elders, who form a sort of unofficial advisory council. In the course of interviewing his mother Anita Kabre next, we learn how they keep a watchful eye on them. The mother Anita Kabre interviewed is a member of the Shiv Sena (political party) shakha pramukh (local section) Mahila Mandal (women's collective) section. She is one of the 9 women members of the women's organisation. She helps out the boys during their ramnavmi celebrations, with the cleaning and decorating, but mainly her work had been to provide water lines for every tenant and getting tiles put in the locality. She did that independantly with the help of the local Shiv Sena corporator. Produced by Majlis.Yes1428http://pad.ma/Vs6e0hew/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers: Post Ban Performance at Ellora Bar (Saloni)http://pad.ma/Vs6e0hew/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Even some conventional women’s organizations actively supported the ban on the issue of ‘degradation of women’s body’. Some feminist organizations along with the Bar Dancers’ union came together to mobilize support against the ban. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. Several feminist organizations, bar owners’ associations and others filed cases against the ban in the Bombay high court. Majlis legal centre filed the case on behalf of the Bar dancers’ union. This is a dance performance by a bar dancer during that time. The ban was already implemented and the bars were under strict surveillance. Hence the performance had to take place in the afternoon when the bar was closed. It was part of our effort to document the performances and testimonies of the bar dancers. But with the enthusiasm that this dancer came and put on their costumes and make up can only be compared to the agony of any artist who had been denied access to work. Yes347http://pad.ma/Vhlsubt7/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Speak: Testimonies at Public Hearing 3http://pad.ma/Vhlsubt7/poster.75.jpgDancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. These bars are popularly called Dance Bars. They were recognisable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. Amidst the frenzy of campaign and counter campaign the govt. implemented the bill on 15th August 2005, on the occasion of independence day of India. The act which rendered 70,000 women jobless was passed unanimously in the assembly, where all members including the communist party and women from various political parties cheered and voted for the bill. In the history of Indian democracy there are a very few bills that was passes with such absolute agreement. There were many theories for the Govt.’s motive to ban dance bars. Some says that it was a ploy to decrease the sale of beer and boost the outreach of wine as the wine industry had just started picking up in Maharashtra and many senior politicians were stake holders in wine industry. Some other claim that it was a populist measure to woo the middle class voters. Another theory ascribed the operation as an exercise to evict smaller eateries and pubs to make space for big franchises and multi-purpose eateries. It could also be a simple act of gentrifying the city. Throughout this period the most active campaign against the ban was from the bar dancers union in collaboration with some feminists groups. Majlis legal centre filed a case challenging the ban in the Bombay high court on behalf of the bar dancers’ union. The Women’s Study dept., SNDT university along with Forum against oppression of women conducted a survey around the bars in the city and published the report in order to inform the general public. Five days after the ban three city organisations Majlis, Pukar (Gender and Space unit), and Point of View organized a public hearing on the issue at KC College suditorium. Ten eminent citizens from various walks of life were invited to serve in the panel of Jury and hear the live testimonies of the retrenched dancers. The auditorium of around 700 capacity was chock-o-block with 500 bar dancers, members of bar owners association, family members of the bar dancers, concerned citizens and a large media presence. In this event some bar dancers gave testimonies. Yes577http://pad.ma/Vsb4rj6n/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Cityscape: One Sunday Afternoon in Bombayhttp://pad.ma/Vsb4rj6n/poster.75.jpgShot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. As part of exploring the plurality in the street cultures of India, we decided to drive down from North Bombay to Nariman Point and shoot the various narratives scattered along the way. It was a Sunday in the month of December. So the sun was bright yet not bleaching out. The Sunday also provided a respite from the maddening crowd on the road which would have made it impossible to follow any thread or cue. We started on the Western Express Highway and stopped at first signal at Andheri. The Andheri flyover was then under construction and the signal was hugely populated by both vehicles and people. Then we passed the airport signal and followed the comparatively light and lazy traffic of the Sunday afternoon, to Kherwadi junction at Bandra east, followed the right hand traffic to Mahim creek and the Cadell road, crossed Haji Ali and took a detour to Bombay central station. After that we took Queens Road and then finally reached Gateway of India. At Gateway of India we hired a horse cart, favoured by the tourists, to Marine Drive. This trip had made us re-visit our own city – as if this was another Bombay, which only vaguely resembles the one we knew of. Yes2206http://pad.ma/Vfbndt1l/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir News Rushes Compilation: Refugee Camp Residents and Fake Encountershttp://pad.ma/Vfbndt1l/poster.75.jpgEarly in 2005, with the exhumation and identification of the body of Abdul Rahman Paddar, an innocent civilian, a network of fake encounters came to light. More exhumations took place. All of Kashmir broke into spontaneous protests, which had massive crowds. All protests seem to have been non violent, but slogans which were common in 1989, demanding independence, once again could be loudly heard, along with a demand for justice. This tape was sent in response to a request for some footage of the protests. It seems to me, that the compilation of footage from Jammu and from Srinagar, was done partly to meet what might have been seen as my interests. Since half the tape had the footage we had asked for, the other half was filled with what could be of interest to us, or that might be seen as also useful to us. It could just be that these were simultaneously shot stories, or that we had previously expressed an interest in finding material on the Pandits. Related Link: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/01/31/india15227.htmYes3547http://pad.ma/Vfrt8mp0/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancer: Post Ban Performance at Ellora Bar (Mujra Imitation)http://pad.ma/Vfrt8mp0/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Even some conventional women’s organizations actively supported the ban on the issue of ‘degradation of women’s body’. Some feminist organizations along with the Bar Dancers’ union came together to mobilize support against the ban. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. Several feminist organizations, bar owners’ associations and others filed cases against the ban in the Bombay high court. Majlis legal centre filed the case on behalf of the Bar dancers’ union. This is a dance performance by a bar dancer during that time. The ban was already implemented and the bars were under strict surveillance. Hence the performance had to take place in the afternoon when the bar was closed. In this event a bar dancer dances to popular Hindi film song in a pale imitation of mujra. Mujra is a song performance form practiced by the courtesans for their feudal patrons. Many exponents of the courtesans have joined the dance bars for survival. Dance bar is an industrial and democratic version of the mujra, where the performances and patronage are much more generic and faceless. Yes132http://pad.ma/Vfxbfxw9/info2009-01-21weekly1.0Train to Manikpur from Chitrakoothttp://pad.ma/Vfxbfxw9/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant.Yes1078http://pad.ma/Vtju4xb0/info2008-02-23weekly1.0Mira’s Traveloguehttp://pad.ma/Vtju4xb0/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant.Yes2306http://pad.ma/Vfsiubht/info2009-02-09weekly1.0Interviews with Transgender and women in prostitution followed by a staged scene of getting into the act of having sex between two prostitutes.http://pad.ma/Vfsiubht/poster.75.jpgPart of raw footage for the film In the Flesh the event depicts four interviews with three transgender (in Hindi, Bengali and Marathi) – Yuvraj, Ravi, Raosaheb and Bhaskar during the DMSC mela in 2001.They are interviewed by Durga, Nuri and another woman all of who are sexworkers by profession and Priyanka who is a sex workers daughter. The interviews bring into light the struggle to be human as a transgendered person goes through and their demand for their right to lead a dignified life.Yes1723http://pad.ma/Vezezzfz/info2008-02-26weekly1.0In the Fleshhttp://pad.ma/Vezezzfz/poster.75.jpgThe film depicts everyday life of three sex workers, Uma and Bhaskar from Kolkata and Shabana from Nippani in Maharashtra.Yes3144http://pad.ma/Vtk4qfca/info2009-02-09weekly1.0Team from Nagpada Police Stataion headed by a Police Officer conducts a surprise check in brothels in Nagpada.http://pad.ma/Vtk4qfca/poster.75.jpgThe camera follows a police officer with his team as they go on their inspection of brothels in Nagapada and Kamathipura, the established red light areas in Mumbai. The event captures visuals of the sex workers in their working spaces and conditions. It also establishes their resistance to go back to the mainstream society. The event would give the viewer a complete idea of the location and details about the spaces of prostitution in the city.Yes2079http://pad.ma/Vfbni0ig/info2008-02-27weekly1.0The journey of rescued girls from Kamathipura to Navjivan Shelter home in Chembur.http://pad.ma/Vfbni0ig/poster.75.jpgPart of raw footage for the film In the Flesh directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Point of View, the event is about the camera capturing a municipal van that is transporting a group of rescued women from Kamathipura, the established red light area in Mumbai to Navjivan, a shelter home in Chembur. The camera captures candid conversations (in Hindi and Bengali) between the girls.Yes580http://pad.ma/Vg8csmgl/info2009-01-26weekly1.0Kolkatta with Umahttp://pad.ma/Vg8csmgl/poster.75.jpgThe event captures Uma, a veteran in prostitution and a theatre actress's way of life. She teaches about sexuality and sexual diseases to Babua, the transgender, she sings and talks about her old times with Bishakha, the director of the film and the event also gives the viewer a peek of visual images of several locations of Kolkata.Yes1439http://pad.ma/Veve7dbq/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Elizabeth.http://pad.ma/Veve7dbq/poster.75.jpgInterview with Elizabeth from Kenya about her HIV infection. Part of Rushes from the documentary "Human Question"Yes1957http://pad.ma/Vs6e2l0h/info2008-02-22weekly1.0Allahabad Presshttp://pad.ma/Vs6e2l0h/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant.Yes2689http://pad.ma/Vdxdg2sx/info2009-02-07weekly1.0 Anti-Gujarat carnage demonstration, through Mumbaihttp://pad.ma/Vdxdg2sx/poster.75.jpgMembers of different organizations and political parties come together to express their protest against Gujarat carnage and Narendra Modi. The participants begin the demonstration outside Azad Maidan at Chatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) and end it at Girgaon Chowpatty, Charni Road.Yes2625http://pad.ma/Vu11jn5c/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Now Talking TV: Cable Wars and Local Mediahttp://pad.ma/Vu11jn5c/poster.75.jpgWe were told about Suroor TV, a local Urdu-language channel, that an enterprising young Banglorean had tried to run from his family home. Lokesh, a local cable operator, used to air the channel as it would be hugely popular in Deccani-speaking Shivaji Nagar. This clip shows Lokesh, his 'gang' of cable operators from the locality, and members of Suroor TV. Members were joined by Jawahar Raja and Shudhabrata Sengupta (Sarai) and Lawrence Liang (alf) for an unedited and uncensored 80 mins of talking. This has been shot in Suroor TV Studio, Cox town, Bangalore. Yes4795http://pad.ma/Vh5fk2l6/info2009-02-13weekly1.0A Human Question: 15th International AIDS Conference in Bangkokhttp://pad.ma/Vh5fk2l6/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the cost of human life?Yes3658http://pad.ma/Vdy5qr4j/info2009-08-27weekly1.0Copyright This!http://pad.ma/Vdy5qr4j/poster.75.jpgSanjay Bhangar and Sravanthi K spent a few days in Shivaji Nagar and at National Market looking at the 'digital moment' and what it has meant for local economy and world information. They ended up with a footage bank, comprising of pirate dvds and vcds, shots of cyber cafés and shop fronts offering dtp, call center training, and language translation facilities, and spot interviews with vendors and owners. An interview with Shivaji Nagar local and renegade IP law-breaker L. Liang in Hindi, shot with a rather 'odd' frame formed the backbone of the film. Footage of ITPL, Forum Mall, the World Info poster campaign, google image searches and a gleaning of Alternative LawForums's CD compilations on IPR, combined with other interviews and visuals from the footage bank and manic editing by Sooraj Ravindran and Shaina resulted in COPYRIGHT THIS. Hightlights include Helen vs Truth Hurts vs Lata Mageshkar-remixed and the animated Mr. Liang.Yes2097http://pad.ma/Vezev1y9/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Rajan Jaykar 1http://pad.ma/Vezev1y9/poster.75.jpgInterview with Rajan Jaykar (RJ). Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M). Camera by avijit Mukul Kishore. Rajan Jaykar is a lawyer and artifacts collector. He is an important member of Pathare Prabhu community. Pathare Prabhus are believed to be one of the earliest settlers in the islands of Bombay. Many important citizens and philanthropists of the city are from this community. The interview was conducted in the context of exploring the history of migration in the region. Representatives of many community were interviewed in order to understand the demography and current identity politics of the city. The interview was taken in his family house in Opera house in South Bombay. The area is home for many old and aristocrat families and also hub for new commercial outlets.Yes1229http://pad.ma/Vfbtmuxn/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Cityscape: With the Superstarhttp://pad.ma/Vfbtmuxn/poster.75.jpgThis sequence was shot for a short film on Amitabh Bachchan. KalaGodha (the art district of Mumbai) festival of 2003 had a special theme as Amitabh Bachchan, the superstar. Madhusree was commissioned to make a short film as part of a Amitabh Bachchan film festival. The short thus made was Samvabhami Yuge Yuge (I shall be recycled again and again). This sequence is part of that film. 15 feet cutout of the superstar in his iconic proletariat avatar from the film Deewar traveled the city in an early Sunday morning. People’s reactions were baffling – it was illegal to take a heavy truck on the JJ Flyover, but the police patrol forgot to stop the shooting crew as they were busy watching the superstar. In the Sunday market under the Byculla bridge – people did not even pay more than a cursory glance. Only when Vibha, the young girl in the unit climbed the truck on some pretext that people started paying attention. Some women remarked- ‘ahh! Such a young Bachchan. So cute!’ Well, recycling means all of the above. Cutout painter:Ashrafilal, shot by Avijit Mukul KishoreYes2370http://pad.ma/Vu5zzbh8/info2009-03-17weekly1.0Arrivals & Departures: Japanese Community in Bombayhttp://pad.ma/Vu5zzbh8/poster.75.jpgThe city of Bombay truly holds a vast array of customs and civilizations, but generally not in the way that you would expect. The Japanese cemetery, Niponnjin Bochi, holds the ashes of various Japanese immigrants right here in our city of Bombay. The Japanese cemetery is much unlike the cemeteries of Indian traditions; all it consists of is a shrine and two stupas. Nonetheless, it tells the story of thousands of Japanese traders and prostitutes who lived right here in Mumbai. This cemetery was founded in 1908 by Nichida Tsu Fujii, the founder of Nipponzan Myohoji, a Buddhist order, in order to give a rightful burial to them. Now, however, the population of Japanese in this so called cosmopolitan city has dwindled down to a mere 200 and therefore the use of the cemetery has been reduced to its minimum. The cemetery is now being run by Bhikshu Morita, a Japanese monk who came to India in 1970. Morita ji speaks better Hindi than an average Bombayite and runs a school for underprivileged children. Madhusree Dutta (M) conducted an interview with Bhikshu Morita (BM) at his cottage. This is a tale of unique connections. Shot by: Avijit Mukul KishoreYes1825http://pad.ma/Vui16z6k/info2009-03-17weekly1.0Arrivals & Departures: Jewish Community in Bombayhttp://pad.ma/Vui16z6k/poster.75.jpgInterview with Solomon Sopher (SS) I Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta. Shot by Avijit Mukul; Kishore This interview is part of a series of study on the cemeteries of different communities in Bombay. In order to trace the multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious composition of the city the history, anecdotes, location and class structure of cemeteries were studied. This cemetery is known as the cemetery of the Iraqi Jews, also known as Baghdadi Jews. Baghdadi Jews are one of the early settlers in the city. They first came as traders to the port city. They are known to be affluent and philanthropic community. Many public institutions of Bombay were build by them. But the sense of community was restricted to the Jews of central Asia. The local Marathi Jew community, known as Bene Israeli, were not accommodated either in the cemetery or at the synagogue. Even the European Jews who came during/after the IInd world war were resented initially. The universal Jew brotherhood concept was not applicable. Race affinity was worked out more on the line of linguistic and regional identity than on religious one. After the inception of Israel the community suffered a sudden drop in populace as many chose to migrate to the ‘promised land’. Hence the local Jews were accommodated, or even invited, to take part in the religious rituals in mainstream functions. There are tales about a special cemetery for the European Jew sex workers in the first half of 20th century. But Mr. Sopher refused to endorse it.Yes3386http://pad.ma/Vhafnpcb/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Cecilia Vazhttp://pad.ma/Vhafnpcb/poster.75.jpgCecilia Vaz is a home maker and lives in Kalina. Kalina consists of Christian village, Muslim settlement and some gentrified housing colonies (Air India, India Airlines). The comparatively cheap location also attracts stray foreign students and young migrant professionals: African students in Bombay University which is situated close by or North Eastern BPO employees and so on. It is an old village which has witnessed hectic urbanisation in last two decades due to its proximity to a newly developed business district in Bandra Kurla complex. East Indian people by religion belong to Catholic church and linguistically Marathi. The origin of the term East Indian is not clear, though it is obvious that it has something to do with the British colonial rule. Along with Kolis (fisherfolk's community), Pathare Prabhus (white collar Hindu Marathi community), Bohras (Gujrati speaking Muslim traders' community), Parsees (Gujarati speaking Zorastrians) and a few others, East Indians are the early settlers in the 7 Islands of Bombay. Cecilia Vaz, who happened to be our neighbour as she lives next door to Majlis office, is known as a volatile person in the neighbourhood. Her articulation combined with a wide range of anecdotal memory made us request her for an interview. The interview was taken in two phases in two years. Though there was not much to interview in the face of her 'stream (deluge!) of consciousness' style of speaking. The first phase of the interview was conducted by Hansa Thapliyal and Nandini Ramnath. The second phase was conducted by Renu Savant and Madhusree Dutta.Yes2083http://pad.ma/Vfg8askl/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Mustanshir Barma 1http://pad.ma/Vfg8askl/poster.75.jpgInterview with Dr. Mustanshir Barma (Mr. B) Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Dr. Barma is an eminent scientist at TIFR (Tata Institute of Fundamental Research) and a member of the Bohra community. The interview was conducted in the context of exploring the history of migration in the region. Representatives of many communities were interviewed in order to understand the demography and current identity politics of the city. The interview was taken in his family home – an apartment in Sunny House, Colaba. It is one of the oldest urban settlement areas in the city, which is also known for its cosmopolitanism. The area has a heady mixture of aristocrat old family homes, backpackers’ dens; affluent clubs, restaurants and hotels; high brow art establishments and low brow govt. institutions, heritage buildings and vendors and vagabonds. Yes2243http://pad.ma/Vgdd39ts/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Interview with Pramod Navalkar: The Charming Fascisthttp://pad.ma/Vgdd39ts/poster.75.jpgInterview with Pramod Navalkar. Interviewer Yuvaraj Mohite (YM) and Madhusree Dutta (MD). Pramod Navalkar was (he died in 2007) a first rank leader of Shivsena, a party which forefronted the demand of marking Mumbai essentially for the Marathi speaking people. The party, in recent past, has indulged in various violent activities against the ‘outsiders’ from other parts of the country. So far Shivsena have won only one assembly election and shared the power with BJP (a national party with communal lineage) in 1994-99. During that stint Pramod Navalkar was the Minister for cultural affairs and he initiated various schemes for the development of the city. His pet schemes involved making public parks for the citizens and then inserting a wide gap on the benches – in order to discourage couples to get too intimate. Dislocating the hawkers and the sex workers from the sea beach and appointing vigilant squads to stop eve teasing. Initiating programme to aid development of Marathi language and banning performances of artists from Pakisthan. The list is long and as charismatic as the leader! Pramod Navalkar was a member of Pathare Prabhu, the community which is believed to be one of the earliest settlers of Bombay. However while speaking against the ‘outsider’ many Pathare Prabhus tend to forget that they too came from Gujarat in 13th century and originally is not part of Marathi lineage. Pramod was a socialist before joining the right wing politics. He was also a writer, researcher and a cityphile. The interview was conducted in order to understand the pattern of migration and the root of the identity politics in this region.Yes3333http://pad.ma/Vhm0f8e7/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Rajan Jaykar 2http://pad.ma/Vhm0f8e7/poster.75.jpgInterview with Rajan Jaykar (RJ). Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M). Camera by avijit Mukul Kishore. Rajan Jaykar is a lawyer and artifacts collector. He is an important member of Pathare Prabhu community. Pathare Prabhus are believed to be one of the earliest settlers in the islands of Bombay. Many important citizens and philanthropists of the city are from this community. The interview was conducted in the context of exploring the history of migration in the region. Representatives of many community were interviewed in order to understand the demography and current identity politics of the city. The interview was taken in his family house in Opera house in South Bombay. The area is home for many old and aristocrat families and also hub for new commercial outlets.Yes1078http://pad.ma/Vtjsr3jn/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Mustanshir Barma 2http://pad.ma/Vtjsr3jn/poster.75.jpgInterview with Dr. Mustanshir Barma (Mr. B). Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Dr. Mustanshir Barma is an eminent scientist at TIFR (Tata Institute of Fundamental Research) and a member of the Bohra community. The interview was conducted in the context of exploring the history of migration in the region. Representatives of many communities were interviewed in order to understand the demography and current identity politics of the city. The interview was taken in his family home – an apartment in Sunny House, Colaba. It is one of the oldest urban settlement areas in the city, which is also known for its cosmopolitanism. The area has a heady mixture of aristocrat old family homes, backpackers’ dens; affluent clubs, restaurants and hotels; high brow art establishments and low brow govt. institutions, heritage buildings and vendors and vagabonds.Yes1506http://pad.ma/Veittpy9/info2009-03-17weekly1.0Arrivals & Departures: Chinese Community in Bombayhttp://pad.ma/Veittpy9/poster.75.jpgAt Antop Hill, Bombay one will find the burial grounds of Chinese, Iranian, Jews, Hindus and Muslims. Predominantly Chinese, the cemeteries date back to 1890 according to the caretaker of the Chinese cemeteries, Mohammed Rafi, an old Muslim man. The Chinese came to Bombay in the early 1800s with the East India Company for silk trade. Bombay’s 1826 census shows evidence of a total of 37 Chinese families, mostly residing in Girgaum. Today the population of Chinese in Bombay is limited to tourists and the Chinese people that were born and brought up here. This Antop Hill land, which was back then an isolated, uninhabited area, was selected as burial grounds in the 1880s. Buried in these grounds is the history of our own country that is uniquely intertwined with the history of others. Madhusree Dutta (M) conducted an interview here with Mohammed Rafi (MR). Shot by: Avijit Mukul KishoreYes1567http://pad.ma/Veuwqt82/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: East Indian Priesthttp://pad.ma/Veuwqt82/poster.75.jpgEast Indian people by religion belong to Catholic church and linguistically Marathi. The origin of the term East Indian is not clear, though it is obvious that it has something to do with the British colonial rule and East India Company. Vasai with a port and fort was headquarter of Portuguese rule. Later as the islands of Bombay were merged and the natural port was renovated into a major port, the importance of Vasai city and port decreased. Along with Kolis (fisherfolk's community), Pathare Prabhus (white collar Hindu Marathi community), Bohras (Gujrati speaking Muslim traders' community), Parsees (Gujarati speaking Zorastrians) and a few others, East Indians are the early settlers in the 7 Islands of Bombay. The interviewee is a Catholic priest (father - Fr.) and a history scholar. He lives in Vasai. The interview was conducted as a part of a study of various communities who are early settlers in Bombay. The interview was taken in a vocational training institute ran by the church, in the background of a wide marshland. This region is known for its mangroves and marshlands which are increasingly under threat of destruction due to real estate greed. Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M)Yes1008http://pad.ma/Vs5upvt5/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Cawas Lalkaka 1http://pad.ma/Vs5upvt5/poster.75.jpgInterview with Mr. Cawas Lalkaka (CLK). Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by avijit Mukul Kishore. Cawas Lalkaka is a corporate person. He retired as the vice president of Tata Sons, a leading corporate house in India. He is member of, Zorastrians community - popularly called as Parsees. Parsee community is one of the smallest yet significant minority community in India. They migrated from Iran in 13th century to Navsari, Gujarat. They adopted to the local culture quickly and became an integral part of India's social fabric. Many of them are industrialists, entrepreneurs, scientists and artists of great repute. Parsees are also known for various nationalist endeavors during the British rule and soon after the independence. Though generally they have stayed away from the field politics, except for a few exceptions. The population is mainly concentrated in the city of Bombay. Bombay is dotted with various Parsee institutions and public institutions built by Parsees - TIFR (Tata Institute of Fundamental research) TISS (Tata Institute of Social Sciences) NCPA (National Centre of Performing Arts) J B Petit School, Avabai Petit School, J J School of Arts etc. Many of the popular landmarks and signage in the city are actually named after some eminent parsees - Nariman Point, Khusroo Baug, Wadia hospital, Gazdar Street etc. Various Parsee trusts are still the mainstay of philanthropy and social work activities in the city. The interview was conducted in the context of exploring the history of migration in the region. Representatives of many communities were interviewed in order to understand the demography and current identity politics of the city. The interview was conducted in his family home in a spacious apartment at Marine Drive in South Bombay. Marine Drive, occasionally mentioned as queen's necklace in memory of the British rule, is the most romantic and one the most expensive real estate zones in the world.Yes1245http://pad.ma/Vffwv6w7/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Cawas Lalkaka 2http://pad.ma/Vffwv6w7/poster.75.jpgInterview with Mr. Cawas Lalkaka (CLK). Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by avijit Mukul Kishore. Cawas Lalkaka is a corporate person. He retired as the vice president of Tata Sons, a leading corporate house in India. He is member of, Zorastrians community - popularly called as Parsees. Parsee community is one of the smallest yet significant minority communities in India. They migrated from Iran in 13th century to Navsari, Gujarat. They adapted to the local culture quickly and became an integral part of India's social fabric. Many of them are industrialists, entrepreneurs, scientists and artists of great repute. Parsees are also known for various nationalist endeavors during the British rule and soon after the independence. Though generally they have stayed away from the field politics, barring a few exceptions. The population is mainly concentrated in the city of Bombay. Bombay is dotted with various Parsee institutions and public institutions built by Parsees - TIFR (Tata Institute of Fundamental research) TISS (Tata Institute of Social Sciences) NCPA (National Centre of Performing Arts) J B Petit School, Avabai Petit School, J J School of Arts etc. Many of the popular landmarks and signage in the city are actually named after some eminent Parsees - Nariman Point, Khusroo Baug, Wadia hospital, Gazdar Street etc. Various Parsee trusts are still the mainstay of philanthropy and social work activities in the city. The interview was conducted in the context of exploring the history of migration in the region. Representatives of many communities were interviewed in order to understand the demography and current identity politics of the city. The interview was conducted in his family home in a spacious apartment at Marine Drive in South Bombay. Marine Drive, occasionally mentioned as queen's necklace in memory of the British rule, is the most romantic and one the most expensive real estate zones in the world.Yes1185http://pad.ma/Vsb0nnad/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Mohalla Committee Movement Trust and Mumbai Police Present...http://pad.ma/Vsb0nnad/poster.75.jpgFootage of a short film called Message of Unity which was directed and produced by Waqar.P.Khan with the help of Bhau Korde in collaboration with the Mohalla Committee as part of an endeavor to promote communal harmony in Mumbai, post the Gujarat carnage. The Mohalla Committee was set up by J.F Ribero in the Dharavi slums in the aftermath of the 1992 Mumbai riots. The footage has interviews of Shaikh Salauddin,Ravinder Jain,M.N. Singh,Satish Kumar Sahni,J.F Ribero and Ameen Sayani interspersed with scenes from various Bollywood movies. The footage ranges from talks on communal harmony to rioting scenes, to patriotic songs and inspirational hymns.Yes3451http://pad.ma/Vhrf1sjy/info2008-02-26weekly1.0A day in the life of Niranjan Hiranandani: Late evening, Powai to Malabar Hillhttp://pad.ma/Vhrf1sjy/poster.75.jpgAfter a whole day's work, he heads home again via six new flyovers.Yes1524http://pad.ma/Vu0pgl3n/info2008-06-05weekly1.0A day in the life of Mohammed Muslim: Night Ride on Mohammed Ali Roadhttp://pad.ma/Vu0pgl3n/poster.75.jpgMohammed Muslim lives in Colaba and moves around on his bicycle delivering bread and plastic bags. His beat stretches from Navy Nagar, the southern most tip of Bombay, to Mohammed Ali road and Dongri. We spent a day with him documenting his daily movement patterns. He had some reservations filming his pickup and delivery of plastic bags since they are banned in the city. In his evening shift, he is on his way to Masjid Bundar to pick up wholesale quantity of plastic bags. He speaks with the owner at the store and the owner prefers not to have it filmed. So Mohammed tells us he knows of a bakery further down in Umerkhadi, Dongri. We could go there and he would pick up bread. Its a long ride from Masjid Bundar. It was a bakery he didn't frequent, and to be honest it was truly a beautiful find, worth the journey for all of us. We had paid Mohammed Bhai an honorarium for letting us spend the day filming him. On reaching the bakery, he seemed very happy to spend 200 rupees on stocks and supplies, and loaded his bicycle with pav bread, loaf bread and savories and biscuits.Yes3122http://pad.ma/Vi7mfsi5/info2009-03-19weekly1.0A day in the life of Niranjan Hiranandani: day at work and journey back home.http://pad.ma/Vi7mfsi5/poster.75.jpgNiranjan Hiranandani, MD of Hiranadani construction at work in his Headquarters in Powai. Post-lunch he spends his day in a series of meetings. At about 3:30, we go with him in his mini-bus around Hiranandani gardens and up to the go-karting hill. Riddhima and Sanjay, talk with him about 'planning' and architecture amongst other things. Back in the office, he is back in a few close door meetings. The office is empty by 6:30. He is amongst the last to leave.Yes2221http://pad.ma/Vgpfnjp8/info2009-03-19weekly1.0A day in the life of Niranjan Hiranandani: At work, some site-seeinghttp://pad.ma/Vgpfnjp8/poster.75.jpgNiranjan Hiranandani, MD of Hiranadani construction at work in his Headquarters in Powai. Its almost noon. He has a few phone conversations. We take a ride in their van to see some 'show flats' , the LH Hiranandani hospital and up the Powai hill. We come back to the HQ. Catch him having a late lunch.Yes2239http://pad.ma/Vgody6hd/info2008-02-27weekly1.0A day in the life of Mohammad Muslim. Morning Deliveryhttp://pad.ma/Vgody6hd/poster.75.jpgMohammed Muslim lives in Colaba and moves around on his bicycle delivering bread and plastic bags. His beat stretches from Navy Nagar, the southern most tip of Bombay, to Mohammed Ali road and Dongri. We spent a day with him documenting his daily movement patterns. Here he begins his second round of deliveries for the day, going to colaba market, machimar nagar, Colaba, (fishing colony) and Geeta Nagar slums. Since he sells plastic bags, a few shopowners seem vary of the camera, of 'media' folks. Most trust him, but he senses some tension and tells us later, that we should avoid the bags and maybe just focus on bread deliveries. We agree.Yes1471http://pad.ma/Vhmgfski/info2009-02-07weekly1.0A Deccani Channel out of a home in Bangalorehttp://pad.ma/Vhmgfski/poster.75.jpgA visit to the studio-home of Kashif Haq, a young entrepreneur who had tried to run an Urdu language channel out of his family house in Cox town. His younger sister Safina was chief editor and set designer for 'Suroor TV'. Suroor TV 's twists and trials in going on air, its popularity amongst the large Urdu and Deccani speaking population of Shivaji Nagar, and its ultimate removal from the air waves by MSO's (multi service operator) after about six months, formed the basis of an uncensored talk show on local media politics and monopolies.Yes1709http://pad.ma/Vu01q202/info2008-02-27weekly1.0A day in the life of Mohammed Muslim. Evening beat to Masjidhttp://pad.ma/Vu01q202/poster.75.jpgMohammed Muslim lives in Colaba and moves around on his bicycle delivering bread and plastic bags. His beat stretches from Navy Nagar, the southern most tip of Bombay, to Mohammed Ali road and Dongri. We spent a day with him documenting his daily movement patterns. Here we follow him on his evening beat. He begins in Colaba, heads to Sassoon bakery and then decides to head towards Masjid Bundar via Mint Road, and P'Dmello road.Yes2789http://pad.ma/Vg9e8oby/info2008-02-27weekly1.0A day in the life of Mohammad Muslim. Daily route and routine.http://pad.ma/Vg9e8oby/poster.75.jpgMohammed Muslim lives in Colaba and moves around on his bicycle delivering bread and plastic bags. His beat stretches from Navy Nagar, the southern most tip of Bombay, to Mohammed Ali road and Dongri. We spent a day with him documenting his daily movement patterns. Here we take a break after round 2 of morning deliveries and have a short chat in his house, which is a small tenement in the compound of the posh shangri-la building behind baptist church colaba.Yes1139http://pad.ma/Vsrodkyu/info2009-01-26weekly1.0 A day in the life of Mohammed Muslim: Navy Nagar: Man-powered.http://pad.ma/Vsrodkyu/poster.75.jpgMohammed Muslim lives in Colaba and moves around on his bicycle delivering bread and plastic bags. His beat stretches from Navy Nagar, the southern most tip of Bombay, to Mohammed Ali road and Dongri. We spent a day with him documenting his daily movement patterns. After his second round of deliveries, Mohammed is back home. He remembers that its friday and suggests to us, that he goes to offer namaaz at the navy nagar mosque. Here we follow him on a motorbike into navy nagar, we are not allowed to shoot, its restricted area we are told at the end of it all.Yes1127http://pad.ma/Veeox7jk/info2009-02-02weekly1.0Now Talking TV: Interview with Anees Ul Haq, Suroor TV.http://pad.ma/Veeox7jk/poster.75.jpgKashif Haq, a young 25 year old entrepreneur, started a Deccani/ Urdu television channel, which he operated from his home in Cox Town, Bangalore. We followed him home to see the studio and were introduced to his father. Incidentally his father turned out to be Anees Ul Haq, the former Deputy Director General of Doordarshan. What followed was an interesting interview in which he traces the history of the expansion of cable TV, and the difficulties of running a free-to-air television channel in the age of MSO monopolies. He highlights the importance of local and regional media in bringing about change. He also makes mention of the futility of the TRAI rules because of its lack of implementation. He also brings to light the issues facing effective community media in the current scenario.Yes2785http://pad.ma/Vu11db0a/info2008-02-26weekly1.0Interview with Dr. Yusuf Hamied, CIPLA, Bombayhttp://pad.ma/Vu11db0a/poster.75.jpgTRACING THE STORY OF THE GLOBAL STRUGGLE TO MAKE HIV/AIDS DRUGS MORE AFFORDABLE AND AVAILABLE, A HUMAN QUESTION RAISES KEY QUESTIONS OF WHETHER PRIVATE OWNERSHIP OF KNOWLEDGE CAN BE AT THE COSTS OF HUMAN LIFE?Yes3461http://pad.ma/Vugvhzny/info2009-02-12weekly1.0Human Question: Anonymous interview, Peer counselor, ART center BOWRING HOSPITAL , Bangalorehttp://pad.ma/Vugvhzny/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/Aids drugs more affordable and available, a human question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the costs of human life? Yes3477http://pad.ma/Vi2ntrti/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Interview with doctors and staff at the ART center, BOWRING HOSPITAL , Bangalore.http://pad.ma/Vi2ntrti/poster.75.jpgTRACING THE STORY OF THE GLOBAL STRUGGLE TO MAKE HIV/AIDS DRUGS MORE AFFORDABLE AND AVAILABLE, A HUMAN QUESTION RAISES KEY QUESTIONS OF WHETHER PRIVATE OWNERSHIP OF KNOWLEDGE CAN BE AT THE COSTS OF HUMAN LIFE?Yes3664http://pad.ma/Vh5fd2bp/info2009-01-26weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Chandrkia, Anasuya and Father Anthony from Snehadaan. http://pad.ma/Vh5fd2bp/poster.75.jpgTRACING THE STORY OF THE GLOBAL STRUGGLE TO MAKE HIV/AIDS DRUGS MORE AFFORDABLE AND AVAILABLE, A HUMAN QUESTION RAISES KEY QUESTIONS OF WHETHER PRIVATE OWNERSHIP OF KNOWLEDGE CAN BE AT THE COSTS OF HUMAN LIFE?Yes3411http://pad.ma/Vtomz1gv/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Chandrika, AIDS Activist, MILANA, Bangalorehttp://pad.ma/Vtomz1gv/poster.75.jpgTRACING THE STORY OF THE GLOBAL STRUGGLE TO MAKE HIV/AIDS DRUGS MORE AFFORDABLE AND AVAILABLE, A HUMAN QUESTION RAISES KEY QUESTIONS OF WHETHER PRIVATE OWNERSHIP OF KNOWLEDGE CAN BE AT THE COSTS OF HUMAN LIFE?Yes3689http://pad.ma/Vh5mxvaz/info2008-02-26weekly1.0Sati and Birth of Khabar Lahariyahttp://pad.ma/Vh5mxvaz/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant. The event captures an Old man talking about his daughter-in-law’s death by observing the ritual of Sati ("Sati" means a virtuous woman. A woman who dies burning herself on her husbands funeral fire was considered most virtuous, and was believed to directly go to heaven, redeeming all the forefathers rotting in hell, by this "meritorious" act. The woman who committed Sati was worshipped as a Goddess, and temples were built in her memory. Sati was prevalent among certain sects of the society in ancient India, who either took the vow or deemed it a great honor to die on the funeral pyres of their husbands. Many hero-stones claim that the wife has committed Sati out of tremendous love for husband, so they can be together after death, but these are not historically substantiated. One finds a large number of Satis committed just after the war when the women must have died to protect their honor from the invading enemies after their men perished in the battlefield. Indian leader Rajaram Mohan Roy, through his organization Brahmo Samaj was among the first who fought to eliminate Sati. The ritual of sati was banned by the British Government in 1829. However, it took a large scale social reforms by Dayanand Saraswati(of Arya Samaj), Mahatma Gandhi and the like to actually stop the practice. In the recent times, there was one instance of a Sati reported in Rajasthan (late 1980s), and another in Madhya Pradesh (in 2002) that led to a lot of controversy and social turmoil. Under the Commission of Sati Prevention Act 1987, Sati is a punishable offence. More information on the Act on - http://wcd.nic.in/commissionofsatiprevention.htm) and reveals the age old social evil that exists in the country. In the same sequence the socio-economic context in which Khabar Lahariya was born is also captured.Yes2216http://pad.ma/Vuhet2t0/info2008-05-27weekly1.0Walking Through Polling Boothshttp://pad.ma/Vuhet2t0/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant. In this event, members of the Khabar Lahariya team travels through Chitrakoot during elections and unravels the politics of the gender space in the electoral system in the district. The event also opens up the topography of the district and how the reporters travel through difficult terrain in order to acquire news.Yes2578http://pad.ma/Ve2zxg8p/info2009-01-17weekly1.0Kavita’s Storyhttp://pad.ma/Ve2zxg8p/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant. The event captures one of the journalist Kavita’s life story, her hardships in life and the struggle she came across in her journey to find her own identity as a woman and as a journalistYes486http://pad.ma/Vgp3q98y/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Rebuilding Hopehttp://pad.ma/Vgp3q98y/poster.75.jpgThe film Rebuilding Hope is a documentary that was made in 2002 to showcase CII’s (is a non-government, not-for profit industry led managed organization) proactive role in India’s development process. Every corporate organization has their role to play as a part of their mandate of CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) and if that role is played with sincerity and done justice to it has the potential to rebuild crumpled dreams. That is exactly what the film focuses on. It focuses on CII s role in rebuilding Kutch post the earthquake that hit the region in 2001. The film captures the rebuilding processes, the verbatim of the industrialists who have been associated with the project and the joy of the constituency whose hopes were rebuilt because of the CII initiative. This eight minute film is directed by Bishakha Datta.Yes519http://pad.ma/Vdx5nvud/info2008-02-26weekly1.0Journos Journeyhttp://pad.ma/Vdx5nvud/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant. In this event, members of the Khabar Lahariya team- Manju, Kavita and Mira are interviewed by Bishakha in which they share their experiences as a journalist and their personal stories. In the last series of sequence the event also captures Shanti distributing Khabar Lahariya in the village.Yes2665http://pad.ma/Vhmo6cdj/info2008-02-26weekly1.0Kavita covering Electionshttp://pad.ma/Vhmo6cdj/poster.75.jpgPart of footage of the film Taaza Khabar directed by Bishakha Datta and produced by Nirantar. The film is about the journey of a team of all women journalists of Khabar Lahariya (a grassroots newspaper published by the women themselves) through several obstacles. The determined efforts are to ensure the 62nd issue of Khabar Lahariya reaches its readers on time. The women are from Chitrakoot district in U.P. who report stories that find no space in mainstream media. It also portrays how these women have created their own space and established their identity in a context where patriarchy and caste-based discriminations are dominant. The event captures one of the journalist Kavita’s life story, her hardships in life and the struggle she came across in her journey to find her own identity as a woman and as a journalist.Yes1419http://pad.ma/Vfbljdbd/info2008-02-26weekly1.0An interview with Tahir Amin.http://pad.ma/Vfbljdbd/poster.75.jpgTahir Amin is a lawyer from the UK currently working with the Alternative Law Forum in Bangalore, India on intellectual property issues and its affect on the public domain. Following his departure from the corporate legal world he has been an activist in the U.K Stop the War Coalition, the International Solidarity Movement as an international peace activist/observer in the West Bank, Palestine. Here, TA talks about the problem of the 2005 Amendment to the Patents Act, which he says will add fuel to the current trend of privatisation of healthcare. He says that information, knowledge, life-saving drugs should not be withheld from poor people, and the public in general. When patents for making these drugs are implemented, then the pharmaceutical companies have a monopoly and can decide to charge extravagant prices for medicines that could save lives.Yes725http://pad.ma/Vfsooytt/info2008-02-27weekly1.0On Movement and Malls : Jagadeesh B, ALFhttp://pad.ma/Vfsooytt/poster.75.jpgJagdeesh works on cases for people who are too poor to afford legal assistance. Here, he expresses his views on rehabilitation, displacement, compensation and explains to filmmaker Sravanthi K (S) possible legal options available to shopkeepers working in the Bangalore's famous electronic grey market - National Market and Burma Bazaar, in the face of new upmarket shopping malls and the new 'mall culture' possibly replacing their small time business operations.Yes2200http://pad.ma/Vtowua9j/info2009-03-19weekly1.0A day in the life of Niranjan Hiranandani: Morning Home to Powaihttp://pad.ma/Vtowua9j/poster.75.jpgNiranjan Hiranandani, MD of Hiranadani construction takes a chauffeur driven car from his home on Malabar hill to his Headquarters in Powai. He leaves home and takes more than 6 new flyovers to cover the roughly 42 km distance to Powai.Yes2151http://pad.ma/Veve2e35/info2009-03-19weekly1.0A day in the life of Niranjan Hiranandani: At work.http://pad.ma/Veve2e35/poster.75.jpgNiranjan Hiranandani, MD of Hiranadani construction at work in his Headquarters in Powai. We are driving with Hiranandani to Powai. Nearing Powai, we are out of the BMW and we tail him in our Santro. In office, Hiranandani does a power walk through the entire office, taking stock of a weeks work and meeting his employees. 'Management by walking' he calls it. He then enters his cabin and begins meetings.Yes2454http://pad.ma/Vt48zy5x/info2008-02-26weekly1.0The Public in and of Cinemahttp://pad.ma/Vt48zy5x/poster.75.jpgThese clips deal with the diverse publics, in and of cinema. In one an upright police officer plays the pedagogic role of reforming the unruly public, while addressing the audience at large, and in the other, the lumpen public dreams of its own vernacular modernity.Yes266http://pad.ma/Vdxvjkjd/info2008-02-27weekly1.0The Tapori in Hindi Cinemahttp://pad.ma/Vdxvjkjd/poster.75.jpgCinema's role as an urban archive includes its role of documenting the various figures of the urban landscape. These three clips are devoted to the Tapori in Bombay, our very own flaneur who claims his space through dress, language and performance.Yes527http://pad.ma/Vgpe12kp/info2008-09-15weekly1.0Anthems of Citizenshiphttp://pad.ma/Vgpe12kp/poster.75.jpgThe unofficial anthems of citizenship which are almost the musical equivalents of Nehru's famous Tryst with destiny speech, these two clips highlight the important role of cinema in the construction of national consciousness and the identity of the citizen in postcolonial India.Yes807http://pad.ma/Vi37nf6l/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Cinematic Cityhttp://pad.ma/Vi37nf6l/poster.75.jpgThe flashback is one of the most popular devices in Hindi cinema, serving he purpose of mediating between public memory and private memory. A space of memory that only the audience has privy to, and which is often excluded to the characters in the narrative of the film. This clip is the opening sequence of Deewar made in 1975 by Yash Chopra. Shashi Kapoor who plays Inspector Ravi is being felicitated in a public function and calls his mother on stage to receive the award. We find out subsequently that he is being given the award for his bravery in killing a gangster Vijay who was also his brother. Deewar stages the conflict between the contractual law abiding citizen and its subterranean other, the illegal citizen, who can never fully occupy the space of the citizen. And yet the narrative of the citizen is doomed to be haunted by the memory of the denizen, a narrative that may have no space in official archives and records, but is articulated as a wound in personal memory. This clip is very similar to the opening sequence of another iconic film, Mother India in which nargis is asked to inaugurate a dam, and she falls back into private memory including the traumatic memory of having killed her son, Birju to uphold the law. The metaphor of a mother having killed her son, or having sanctioned the killing of her son is a repetitive one in Hindi cinema. It is also interesting to contrast sequences such as the Dewwar and Mother India with the words of Nehru to the oustees of the Hirakud dam "If you must suffer, suffer for the sake of the nation".Yes623http://pad.ma/Vtkny5c5/info2008-02-27weekly1.0The Lumpen Audiencehttp://pad.ma/Vtkny5c5/poster.75.jpgAll three clips deal with the question of spectatorship, and the distinction between the idea of the middle audience and the lumpen audience marked by its excessive behaviour. These clips illustrate the idea of cinema as a space of immense contestation, and the cinematic public as one that exceeds the logic of the public sphere as understood in political discourse.Yes311http://pad.ma/Vfxa13n3/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Cinema as Sight Seeinghttp://pad.ma/Vfxa13n3/poster.75.jpgCinema as has always served as a panorama of the world, and these two clips take us through a 70 MM sight seeing tour of the world for the costs of a movie ticket.Yes661http://pad.ma/Vgduxp3d/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Song and Damshttp://pad.ma/Vgduxp3d/poster.75.jpgCinema as an apparatus of modernity takes on particularly interesting role in the history of India, with a number of films from the fifties and sixties being shot on dams. These film clips along with archival footage of Raj Kapoor speaking about the influence of Nehru on his filmsYes782http://pad.ma/Vgdt81gf/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Desiring the Metropolishttp://pad.ma/Vgdt81gf/poster.75.jpgCinema exceeds any idea of the real, and also serves as the archive of aspirations of the ideal modern. These two clips engage with two differently located aspirations, one of the metropolis and the other from the margins of the metropolis.Yes85http://pad.ma/Vgorwd90/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Gangster Cityhttp://pad.ma/Vgorwd90/poster.75.jpgTwo glimpses of crime and the city, one located at the streets, and the other which mobilizes the idea of the city as an information network within a global contemporary in which time and space are completely reconfigured by technology.Yes255http://pad.ma/Vtk6cdrb/info2008-02-27weekly1.0Bombay of the Silver Screenhttp://pad.ma/Vtk6cdrb/poster.75.jpgIf there is one city that exemplifies India's contradictory modernity, it has to be Bombay. The city of dreams and nightmares has had it s fair share of cinematic time, and these two songs form the fifties show us two different Bombays.Yes797http://pad.ma/Vuhje11l/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Neighbours: Harish Bhanothttp://pad.ma/Vuhje11l/poster.75.jpgThis is one interview from the rushes of the ‘I live in Behrampada’, a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay ’92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of ’92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the ‘other’ community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. Harish Bhanot, who was senior editor at Hindustan Times, attempts to provide an objective view of the happenings, yet some inevitable class and community biases seep in. The rhetoric of "My neighbours of Behrampada" cannot seal off all holes. Interviewee: Harish Bhanot (HB) Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta (M) Shot by: Moloy RoyYes1304http://pad.ma/Vedpbzir/info2009-03-03weekly1.0Behrampada and Its Residents: Zainab Bihttp://pad.ma/Vedpbzir/poster.75.jpgThis is an interview from the rushes of the ‘I live in Behrampada’, a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay ’92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of ’92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the ‘other’ community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. Zainab Bi, was one of the first residents of Behrampada. She came to Behrampada around partition in 1948 and literally made this land with her own hands by feeding sand into the marshland. She has witnessed the growth of urbanisation from the unpopulated marshland to a vibrant settlement to the call of re-development which had rendered her as illegal and to the carnage of 1992-93. The history of the 46 year old would never consider her story as a valid source. The history of war, border, legislation and governance will never remember the tiny hands that actually created land for the next generation to live and contest over that land. Today’s Mother India is rendered illegal citizen and has been threatened to be displaced, all in the name of development and in the garb of religion. Interviewee: Zainab bi (ZB); Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by: Moloy Roy Director: Madhusree DuttaYes484http://pad.ma/Vtk4be6j/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir Public Broadcast: Conflict, News and Broadcast in Early 90shttp://pad.ma/Vtk4be6j/poster.75.jpgThis is an interview with Dr. Farooq Nazki, former director of Doordarshan Kashmir and Radio Kashmir. His father Mir Ghulam Rasool Nazki was a renowned poet who wrote in Urdu, Kashmiri and Persian. In this interview Dr. Nazki talks about radio and television broadcast in Kashmir since its inception right up to the 90s when separatist movement was at its zenith. Yes1316http://pad.ma/Vsn7szmi/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir Doordarshan Film: Ethnographic Documentary on Papier Mache Industryhttp://pad.ma/Vsn7szmi/poster.75.jpgA few years ago while visiting the media department at Kashmir University my colleague collected a few films that had been funded by the department and screened on Doordarshan during the early 90s. During conversation it emerged that, apart from stock images of Kashmir, a large portion of these films had actually been shot in Delhi masquerading as Kashmir. Shooting, especially outdoor shooting, was impossible during the early 90s. Muzaffar Ali's film 'Zooni' remained incomplete and Bollywood returned later only to represent high altitude terrorism. Mani Ratnam's 'Roja', which was released in 1993 in Tamil was shot in Himachal Pradesh. The production and memory of such films gesture towards a time when Kashmir was largely inaccessible, yet the 'national' desire to maintain the veneer of control resulted in continued production of state funded ethnographic films which presented the seemingly timeless quality of Kashmir. Between these extremely opposed representations: one, a rather romantic one of the Kashmiri man as timeless, ordinary artisan and the other as the Muslim terrorist, the Kashmiri as a subject continued to elude the mainstream apparatus of representation and understanding. The extreme close-up shots of the artisans' hands, reminiscent of 19th century romantic photography in Kashmir of the carpet weaver or perhaps even a much fetishized Shashi Kapoor as the naive Kashmiri boatman in 'Jab Jab phool Khile' (1965) indicate perhaps that this is an inherited and problematic legacy.Yes1004http://pad.ma/Vu5o2oe2/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Case: Meeting of the Bar Owners Association IIhttp://pad.ma/Vu5o2oe2/poster.75.jpgThis is footage of a public meeting organised by the Bar owners association against the proposed ban on dancing in bars in Maharashtra. Dancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars. The proposal sparked wide public debate on sexual morality, women's rights and right to livelihood. The civil society division on the issue was sharp as many women's organisations, left parties and trade unions supported the ban on issues of public morality and degradation of women's body. While many others, including Majlis, Forum against oppression of women, Women's studies research unit of SNDT university and other feminist groups opposed the ban on account of gender assault on right to livelihood, sexuality and performance. The ban got implemented on 15th august, 2005, the Independence Day. The ban was challenged in Bombay High court by the Bar dancers' union, feminists groups and bar owners associations. Majlis represented the bar dancers' union in the High court. On 12th April 2006 the Bombay High Court struck down the ban as unconstitutional. The Govt. appealed to the Supreme Court and thus affectively kept the bar closed inspite of the High court order. Presently the case is subjudiced. This meeting was organized in the interim period of proposing the bill and actually implementing the ban. The bar owners and the bar dancers are traditionally not allies as their relationship is that of employers and employees. Many bars also exploited the dancers is severe manner. The stigma attached with dancing in bars prevented the women to raise voice against the bar owners. But in the present scenario the bar owners and the bar dancers are together against the Govt. decision to ban dance bars. Their survival are intertwined. The bars would suffer huge loss and many would close down in the eventuality of banning dancing. Varsha Kale, President of Bar Dancers Union; Manjit Singh, President of bar owners association and few other bar owners speak about the situation, their perspectives on the situation and how they need to work together to be able to combat the ban and its effects.Yes1240http://pad.ma/Vi80hnxt/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Panjim During Christmashttp://pad.ma/Vi80hnxt/poster.75.jpgIndian bazaars are a much exposed phenomena. Sometimes it is associated with the oriental exotica, yet another time it is quoted as a symbol of the indomitable spirit of the Indian masses. We explore some well known and some not so well known characteristics of the bazaars to explore the regional and cultural specificities of each bazaar. The quest was part of documenting public spaces and public cultures. This bazaar was shot in Goa during Christmas season. Goa was colonized by the Portuguese till 1961. A large part of the population of Goa is Christians and some still speaks in Portuguese. Indian Christianity is as much a post colonial reality as it is an indigenous social and cultural form. Layered with various local and regional cultural forms Christianity exists in India in many forms and hues. Study of this market is only a slice of that plurality. Shot by Avijit Mukul KishoreYes1243http://pad.ma/Vfwlsoy9/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Neighbours: Men of LIG Colonyhttp://pad.ma/Vfwlsoy9/poster.75.jpgThis is one interview from the rushes of the ‘I live in Behrampada’, a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay ’92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of ’92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the ‘other’ community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. This is an interview with the residents of a building cluster made by the Government. It is called LIG – Lower income group colony. The undignified policy of the govt. making clusters of homes by the economic status and then making it obvious in the address itself. Shot by: Moloy Roy Director: Madhusree DuttaYes1373http://pad.ma/Vhm4y3u3/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Residents: Nasima Bihttp://pad.ma/Vhm4y3u3/poster.75.jpgThis is an interview from the rushes of the ‘I live in Behrampada’, a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay ’92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of ’92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the ‘other’ community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. Nasima Bi was a daily wage worker who survives on odd jobs. Due to the riots on the city big business establishments had closed down, some had even been destroyed. Furthermore the Muslim settlements were under surveillance from the police and the right wing Hindu forces. These resulted in complete collapse of economic structure and the person like Nasima, who were at the bottom of the structure were the worst hit. With her excellent articulation and pragmatic logic Nasima exposes the prevalent politics of intolerance. This interview has become iconic and representative of the Indian politics of last one and a half decade. It was quoted often in academic and activist fora. Visual artists such as Nalini Malani and Navjot created art works based on this interview. Interviewee: Nasima bi (NB); Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by: Moloy Roy Director: Madhusree DuttaYes246http://pad.ma/Vgpq0ixp/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Neighbours: Women of LIG Colonyhttp://pad.ma/Vgpq0ixp/poster.75.jpgThis is one interview from the rushes of the ‘I live in Behrampada’, a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay ’92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of ’92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the ‘other’ community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. The following interview was conducted in Marathi with the residents of the LIG colony, a building cluster made by the Government. It is called LIG – Lower income group colony. The undignified policy of the govt. making clusters of homes by the economic status and then making it obvious in the address itself. These are working class or lower-middle class, Marathi speaking women who are narrating the events of 15th of December. A sticker on their wall reads “Garv se kaho hum Hindu hain” (We are Hindu, say it with pride!)Yes516http://pad.ma/Vi7yl4d4/info2009-03-03weekly1.0Bazaar: Sawantwadi Wooden Toyshttp://pad.ma/Vi7yl4d4/poster.75.jpgSawantwadi is a town at the border of Maharashtra and Goa. We chanced upon a small market of wooden toys while traveling on the Bombay-Goa Express Highway. The town is known for its craft industry of small wooden objects. The popular motifs are various fruits, vegetables, birds and vehicles - bullock cart, cycle, train, fire brigade van, truck, police jeep etc. The design of the fruits and vegetables are reflective of the local culture. Since it is a farmers’ belt, the wooden objects are actually a kind of abstraction of the main occupation of the region. Other than children’s games and home decoration, the vegetables and fruits are also used in local weddings as symbol of prosperity and fertility. Though there are a few factories who also produced larger objects such as swings, horses for children to ride on, chairs, food plates, bowls etc., most part of this industry is home based. Generally one entire family is involved with the whole circle of curving out the models in wood, scraping and drying them, colouring them, compiling sets and making the display in the shop, handling local customers and agents for export to other cities. The entire process takes place at the modest homes and handled by the family members. The sleeping area doubles up for indoor works such as storage space, compilation works; the verandah doubles up for the shop, workshop for scraping and colouring and also as children’s study and the social space to meet neighbours; the courtyard behind the house is where the workshop to make the objects would be and the lane in front of the house is used for drying the objects. It is a smooth flow between public and private spaces and personal, social and professional interactions. The toys are colourful, suitably abstract and durable. While the Indian market gets swept by the cheap Chinese plastic toys and expensive US made Barbies, Kens and their trivias, the Indian artisans in various corners of the country still try to survive on their modest and old fashioned wares. Is it really all that difficult to re-invent these crafts? Or is it that we prefer a part of our culture to remain static and thus exotic, only to be found at an obscure junction on the highway? We spent a few hours in a morning with one such family. This family is Kanada speaking, which is the language of the other neighbouring state Karnataka. Though they are well versed with the pre-dominant language of the region, Konkani and Marathi and conducts business in those languages too. The people in the other shops in that lane spoke in Marathi. Obviously in this area, like most parts of India, there is a lot of crisscrossing of different languages. Shot by Avijit Mukul KishoreYes2762http://pad.ma/Vgdt10v3/info2008-04-09weekly1.0WICITYTV:Gujri youthhttp://pad.ma/Vgdt10v3/poster.75.jpgJayshree Reddy and Preeti Prakash, crew members of WiCityTV, spent the weekend in Shivaji Nagar's notoriously famous Gujri Market. Like Elgin talkies, possibly one of the oldest cinemas in India, Bangalore's Gujri market, established over 80 years ago bears witness to Bangalore's colonial past. The downtown hub of Shivaji Nagar, with its proximity to Cantonment is also home to Russell Market. Here they speak to a young BPO employee living in Shivaji Nagar, who visits the Gujri Market to get his bike modified. This is Jayshree and Preeti's first stint with a camera. They were studying documentary at St. Josephs College. We encouraged them to converse and not just question.Yes606http://pad.ma/Vum7kzpj/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Now Talking TV: Cable Wars and Local Mediahttp://pad.ma/Vum7kzpj/poster.75.jpgWe were told about Suroor TV, a local Urdu-language channel, that an enterprising young Banglorean had tried to run from his family home. Lokesh, a local cable operator, used to air the channel as it would be hugely popular in Deccani-speaking Shivaji Nagar. This clip shows Lokesh, his 'gang' of cable operators from the locality, and members of Suroor TV. Members were joined by Jawahar Raja and Shudhabrata Sengupta (Sarai) and Lawrence Liang (alf) for an unedited and uncensored 80 mins of talking. This has been shot in Suroor TV Studio, Cox town, Bangalore.Yes3747http://pad.ma/Vsn7oqc3/info2009-02-19weekly1.0Speech by Medha Patkar: nexus between globaisation,consumerism and exploitationhttp://pad.ma/Vsn7oqc3/poster.75.jpgMedha Patkar, renowned social activist, and founder of the Narmada Bachao Andolan and the National Alliance of People's Movements, delivers a speech at a meeting of the Mumbai Sarvodaya Mandal. Her talk covers the need to analyse urban consumption habits in an attempt to prevent wastage, discussing the need for awareness among consumers about how the poor are being exploited in the capitalist consumerist scenario. In this manner, she suggests that the underlying ideology behind violence and exploitation of all kind is greed. And to change this trend, the people need to be educated about the politics of globalisation, and its complicity in the inevitable destruction of indigenous enterprises. She concludes by expressing her opinion that a shift from consumer culture to simple living will go a long way in ending this cycle of exploitation and violence.Yes625http://pad.ma/Vhmsn56k/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Disket Document: Stadium Roundtable 2http://pad.ma/Vhmsn56k/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. It turned out that this part of the "Buddh Mahotsav" was organised along with 'Operation Sadbhavana', an insidious army-led initiative that was only very recently introduced (mid 2001) by Maj. Gen. Arjun Ray. The cultural festival of Ladakhi dance and music was organised by the Army officers' wives. Our delegates found themselves co-opted into this farce as they addressed this vast crowd in Hindi, Urdu or English on the topic of National Integration, the speeched interspersed with various performances. This is part two of the 'Stadium Roundtable.' (While their conference was completely hijacked by the VHP machinery, the colleagues did have many candid and sometimes intense discussions over meal times, etc. For more, search for 'Disket')Yes1609http://pad.ma/Vfwzle47/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Disket Document: Stadium Roundtable 1http://pad.ma/Vfwzle47/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. It turned out that this part of the "Buddh Mahotsav" was organised along with 'Operation Sadbhavana', an insidious army-led initiative that was only very recently introduced (mid 2001) by Maj. Gen. Arjun Ray. The cultural festival of Ladakhi dance and music was organised by the Army officers' wives. Our delegates found themselves co-opted into this farce as they addressed this vast crowd in Hindi, Urdu or English on the topic of National Integration, the speeched interspersed with various performances. This is part one of the 'Stadium Roundtable.' (While their conference was completely hijacked by the VHP machinery, the colleagues did have many candid and sometimes intense discussions over meal times, etc. For more, search for 'Disket')Yes2140http://pad.ma/Vgdhh5ff/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Mapusa Market on Friday Before Christmashttp://pad.ma/Vgdhh5ff/poster.75.jpgIndian bazaars are a much exposed phenomena. Sometimes it is associated with the oriental exotica, yet another time it is quoted as a symbol of the indomitable spirit of the Indian masses. We explore some well known and some not so well known characteristics of the bazaars to explore the regional and cultural specificities of each. The quest was part of documenting public spaces and public cultures. This bazaar was shot in Goa during Christmas season. Goa was colonized by the Portuguese till 1961. A large part of the population of Goa is Christians and some still speaks in Portuguese. Indian Christianity is as much a post colonial reality as it is an indigenous social and cultural form. Layered with various local and regional cultural forms Christianity exists in India in many forms and hues. Study of this market is only a slice of that plurality. Though Mapusa is a daily market the large weekly bazaar, with open air stalls, takes place on every Friday. The informal part of the market – selling spices, flowers, vegetables, fish, cane baskets and also Christmas articles in small stalls and on the ground are mostly women. In some cases the women represent the entire cycle of the trade such us growing vegetables or weaving baskets to selling them in the market. In other cases they buy from the wholesale market and sell it in retails - such as fish market or Christmas accessories. This video was shot on the Friday before Christmas of 2001. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore.Yes3602http://pad.ma/Vu5sm3uf/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Kumbharwada: Navaratri Celebrationhttp://pad.ma/Vu5sm3uf/poster.75.jpgDharavi is a settlement popularly termed as the biggest slum in Asia. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is an area, which was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 223 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. A 1986 survey by the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF) counted 530,225 people (106,045 households) living in 80,518 structures. But considering the large presence of unofficial/illegal migrats, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be ‘re-developed’ to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to grab more land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. Following is a night during Navratri (annual 9-days festival to celebrate fertility) in Kumbharwada (potters’ colony), which is spread over about 11 acres in Dharavi. Kumbhars (potters) are one of the most organized and visible communities in Dharavi. Most of them are traditional artisans from Gujarat who migrated to Mumbai in the first half of 20th century. As the potters’ work involve storing and making of clay, running potters’ wheel, baking and drying facilities and storage for the brittle products; space is very important for the Kumbharwada, both in terms of familial and communal use. It is a night of Navratri. Navratri is mainly observed by the Gujaratis and most of the potters in Kumbharwada are Gujarati. Navratri is also a business season for the potters. Navratri, the festival of fertility is observed around an earthen pot symbolizing the womb. Hence the potters make good business in this season. In this event the community celebrates business, culture and religion - in garba, the Gujarati folk dance form. Garba is a community dance form to be performed in large group in a circle. In Kumbharwada they dance around the same kilns in which they bake their pots during the day. The kilns are in the outdoor space and situated in the middle of the clusters of houses. The average size of the kilns are10 ft / 8 ft. In peak season the kilns are loaded every alternate day in the afternoon, set in fire in the evening, the fire runs for around 8 hours, by 3 am it starts colling down and then get unloaded in the morning. The whole process takes around 12 hours. Hence the evening in Kumbharwada is always full of smoke. Anybody who lights a klin in daytime or everyday instead of every alternate day becomes a subject of ridicule. The prosperous ones own kilns. Other people also can the kiln owned by somebody else. Some people only run kilns and do not get engaged with other aspects of pottery. Bhatti is like a studio – the owner may or may not use it for their own works. In the entire Dharavi we could find only one woman who runs a kiln. Though there are women who work as laborers in kilns. There are approximately 400 kilns of various sizes – depending on the status of the owner - in Dharavi. During Navratri they becomes the symbolic wombs for the community, other than solving the problem of paucity of communal space in the settlement. Under the impending threat of ‘redevelopment’ and ‘relocation’ to a modern settlement of multi-storied buildings, this scene of collective celebration acquires a different scale. This event is shot in Wadi 2. Kumbharwada is roughly divided into 4 wadis by the date of inception with Wadi 1 being the oldest. Shot by Tapan Vyas. Yes591http://pad.ma/Vuhcwelh/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Cityscape and Food Politics: Kapasia Familyhttp://pad.ma/Vuhcwelh/poster.75.jpgKapasia family is a Jain trader family. The large joint family live in a few falts in the same apartment building in Borivali. Though basically a trader family, the younger generation have also acquired professional degree and work in professional set ups in addition to the business. Though the flat is inadequate for the large family and the building too is old fashioned for the economic status of the Kapasias they prefer to stay put in the area that they are comfortable in. Jains are strictly vegetarian as they believe in non-violence. But in order to maintain the purity of their non-violence practice some Jains resort to all sort of violence in order to push away the people who eat non-vegetarian food. In recent years there have been serious incidences of discrimination against the meat and fish eating communities in Mumbai – such as denying tenancy in housing societies, forcibly shutting down restaurants and evicting old fish markets and fishermen’s settlements. Jains are rich traders and majority of them are supporters of the right wing party BJP (Bhartiya Janta Party). They have been using their political clout and class position to ‘cleanse’ the city. There is a definite attempt to divide the modern Indian cities between vegetarian gentry side and non-vegetarian pedestrian city. Ahmedabad, the capital of Gujarat has been the first test case for this design. Mumbai is second in the list. The pogrom over food politics got nurtured specially during the BJP rule at the centre in 1999-2004. This interview was organized in order to understand the depth of this food politics and related intolerance.Yes2587http://pad.ma/Vu606dbh/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Municipal School: Cityscape & Childhoodhttp://pad.ma/Vu606dbh/poster.75.jpgDharavi is a settlement popularly termed as the Asia’s biggest slum. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 175 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. But considering the large presence of unofficial/illegal migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be ‘re-developed’ to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to acquire more commercial land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. As there is influx of people into Dharavi, there is also an exodus of people out of Dharavi. While most of the women in Dharavi work in home based trades, men often venture out, some even migrate to other countries in order to earn enough to eventually shift out of the infamous slum of Dharavi. Some men join shipping cargos which is considered prestigious occupation in Dharavi. Some others go to Arab countries as tailors, waiters etc. So many children grow up without seeing their father much. This event is shot outside the Municipality school in Dharavi, a centre of high aspiration for the poor residents. As the adults worry about ‘re-devolopment’, eviction and future of the children, the students happily court the camera. Shot by Tapan Vyas. Yes525http://pad.ma/Vi35xauj/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Kumbharwada: Matrilineal Artisanryhttp://pad.ma/Vi35xauj/poster.75.jpgDharavi is a slum popularly termed as the Asia’s biggest slum. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 19th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 175 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. But considering the large presence of unofficial/illegal migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of the citizens of Dharavi are urban artisans, functioning out of the outer space of their one-storey shanties. This seamlessness in working and living space, over the decades, has resulted in high number of female wage earners. Most of these small enterprises run by contributions from all family members of any age. Kumbharwada (Potters’ colony) is one of the most prosperous, organized and well known areas of Dharavi. They supply earthen pots for daily uses, festivities and rituals, decoration and also for film shootings. Following is the documentation of one evening in the life of 19 year old Kirit Rathod and his family including two sisters, one brother, mother and grandmother. All members of the family work in the family occupation of pottery. This event was shot two days before Navratri. Navratri is a 9 –day long festival to celebrate fertility. It is mainly observed among the Gujarati community. The Kumbhars (potters) in Dharavi are also mostly Gujarati. In Navaratri pots are used as symbol of womb/fertility and worshipped. So this is the busiest season for the local potters. The following story is about the frenzy of last minute back log clearance, dispatches to the markets, selling from the domestic outlet etc. What is remarkable in this house and several such houses in Kumbharwada, is its structure. This house is in Wadi 2. There are 4 wadis in Kumbharwada. Wadi 2 is on the main 90 feet road with the shops at the front door of the houses opening on the road. The houses are linear with rooms one behind the other. In the rear of the houses is a common open space where the bhattis (kiln) are situated. Every few families share one Bhatti. The houses in wadi 2 are not as sprawling as Wadi 1 and the construction is somewhat more contemporary. Unlike the Wadi 1 houses these constructions do not facilitate as much roof top drying. They use the ground space behind the bhattis for sun drying. Though with new residents occupying houses and through various stages of repairs and renovations these specific characteristics of each Wadi have edged out to a great extent. From preparing the clay to production of the pots – making, baking, colouring- to storage to display to sell, everything happens under one roof. The small houses are erected with multiple layers with ladders, ventilators, lofts, scaffold and bunks in order to facilitate the work space as well as fulfil the requirements of a living quarter. Such imaginative and economic use of space should be treated as an example in architectural planning, instead of attempting to break them for the sake of ‘development’. Shot be Tapan Vyas. Yes851http://pad.ma/Vfbnfw4g/info2009-03-02weekly1.0Bazaar: Mohd. Ali Roadhttp://pad.ma/Vfbnfw4g/poster.75.jpgMohd. Ali Road is one of the artery roads of the island city of Bombay. The densely populated area houses many wholesale and retail markets – Bhendi (ladies finger) Bazaar, Null (plumbing) Bazaar, Bora Bazaar, Chor (thieves) Bazaar etc.) throughout its stretch. The population of the area is mainly Muslim and significant part of them are traders. Though always a busy road it gets particularly overwhelming during Ramzaan. The ritual of Ramzaan which ends on Eid-ul-fitr on the day of the new moon, is widely practiced by all Muslims. During the month long Ramazan or Ramadan, the believers in Islam fast throughout the day and eat only after the sunset. The evenings are marked by prayers, family and social get-togethers and communal eating. Eid means happiness or festivity, and ul-fitr literally means breaking of fast. This busy streetscape takes us through the busiest time of the evening of Ramazan along Mohammed Ali road, where some roads are closed off and vendors put up food stalls and tables on the side of the road itself. People, including large number of non-Muslims, come even from fartherest part of the city to Mohd. Ali Road to take part in this social activity. Particularly the food in Bohri Mohalla (neighbourhood of Bohras) and around Minara Masjid is known to be connoisseur ’s delights. Ramzan at Mohd Ali road is an important landmark in Bombay’s social calendar. Garment shops, food stalls, cap stores, sweet marts, street vendors sell their wares; people rally for the evening prayers and the city gather to socialize - on the street. These shots were taken just the day before Eid. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore.Yes2071http://pad.ma/Vejpbcwf/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Papadwali: Livelihood and Developmenthttp://pad.ma/Vejpbcwf/poster.75.jpgDharavi is a slum popularly termed as the Asia’s biggest slum. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to mid 20th century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 175 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. But considering the large presence of unofficial/illegal migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of the citizens of Dharavi are urban artisans, functioning out of the outer space of their one-storey shanties. This seamlessness in working and living space, over the decades, has resulted in high number of female wage earners. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be ‘re-developed’ to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Papad making is predominantly a female occupation, where women work in groups within families or neighbourhoods and operate from home. The most important part of this trade, drying of each papad, needs large open air space. Traditionally, when papad was made at home, women used the courtyards for this purpose. With urbanization Papad (same like pickles and other snacks) making emerged as a cottage industry. The New Muncipal Chawl in Dharavi which was originally built as military barracks for world war–II, presently functions as courtyards for drying Papad for a large number of women and their families. The Papadwalis are generally part of Lijjat, a large institution with numerous branches manufacturing and marketing Papad all over India and also exporting abroad. The institution is registered as a co-operative society of women and each branch is supposed to work autonomously. It started in 1959 in Girgaum in Mumbai and through the four decades grew to be a formidable brand name. However the institution had its fair share of controversies around the issue of ethics and transparency. Besides, the wage earned by the women does not really justify the working hours put into the job. Shooting is the courtyard of the new municipal chawl in Dharavi, where papads are kept to dry turned out to be a very difficult task. The women were hostile, some even threatened to break the camera. In some earlier occasion some reporters shot the courtyard and reported it in the media as an issue of public health considering the dirty courtyard where the papads were dried. A public outcry followed and some women lost their livelihood. Since then the women are wary of any camera. Following is a story of one such family whose livelihood is making Papads. The work was originally started by the mother of the family. Now the mother is employed in some other work while the next generation continue the Papad making. The present working team comprises of the daughter-in-law and the married daughter with some help from the male members. The married daughter earlier used to live outside Dharavi with her husband who is an auto rickshaw driver. But the contract of Papad making is scarce outside. So she has shifted back to her mother’s place to work in the family business and earn a livelihood. Presently there are 3 families – of the daughter, of the daughter-in-law and of the mother, living in the same house. All of them posses ration cards which are considered as valis proof of residency. After the brother gets married in near future there will be another family under the same roof. The house is in the BMC (Bombay Municipal corporation) chawl which was built as army barrack during 2nd world war. The residents are old tenant of the place. The house has three rooms one after the other much like an office space structure. These are one of the larger houses in the area. Still one wonders how under the redevelopment policy the existing three families (each of them has the proof of validity) and their work space would be accommodated in the one room tenement in the multi-storied building. It is part of our Dharavi documentation project. The project aims at documenting the various communities who have not only found homes for themselves in Dharavi but whose livelihoods are intrinsically tied to this space. We hope to evolve a comprehensive documentation and dissemination of the spaces and lives of Dharavi residents. Shot by Tapan Vyas. Yes1346http://pad.ma/Vha85py9/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Railway Station as Public Space: Bandra (Local)http://pad.ma/Vha85py9/poster.75.jpgBandra Railway Station is one of the busiest junctions in Mumbai. From here you can take trains to the Western and the Harbor lines and go to any other station on the vast Mumbai lines and therefore the crowd here consists of people from all over Mumbai, and from all sections of the society. The station also forms the distinguishing point between the Mumbai suburbs and the city. Most of the citizens of this “long” city choose to use public transportation for their everyday travel, and hence these railway tracks form the backbone of this metropolis. Mumbai's suburban rail systems carry estimatedly 2.2 billion passengers every year. Every Mumbaikar has their own unique experience and perspective of these trains and stations. Here you will see the famous “dabba walas” (lunchbox carriers) carrying hundreds of “dabbas” to offices all over or fisherwomen carrying fish in their “tokris” (basket), traveling side by side with the white collar office-goers and the college students. The unique concoction of sounds, smells and people that you will see here, will be found nowhere else. The Mumbai trains carry millions of people to work, college and back home daily and it is here that most of us build our tolerance to and understanding of this city. To me, the Mumbai trains are a lot more than just a means of transportation; they are a means of socializing, slogging, growing up, entertainment, escape and plain observation. An average Bombayite probably spends about an hour every week at a railway station, waiting for their train or trying to get into one; it’s part of the daily grind. In this clip we will see just that, a Bombay railway station right after rush hour, around 11 am because even our cameras would have refused to shoot in the middle of Bandra station rush hour! The Bandra station captures the true essence of this city and represents Bombay in its entirety: a metropolis.Yes1098http://pad.ma/Vu15nmit/info2008-04-12weekly1.0Paul's Fallhttp://pad.ma/Vu15nmit/poster.75.jpgFootage from WI City TV, which was a pirate cable TV channel that ran in Shivaji Nagar, Bangalore in November 2005. Paul Keller falls in love with Shivaji Nagar. He bikes around clicking photographs of cows, painted signs and 'good question' posters from the World Info poster campaign. He falls off the bike and drops his camera. It needs to be repaired. He takes it to a Canon Authorized Service Center and is told that it will be sent to Delhi for an estimate and that alone will take a week. In one small lane near national market, paul meets his master and his camera is repaired the 'kaam chalao' way in twenty minutes for rupees two hundred only.Highlights include: A local translation of some of Sebastian Luetgert's, 'Good Question' posters, Pauls biker music video and Messiah Ajith's born again gift. Paul's Fall has a descriptive Voice Over which was written by Shaina Anand and recorded by Gaurav Chandelya in one smooth take.Yes1144http://pad.ma/Vulo45jz/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Disket Document: Post Stadiumhttp://pad.ma/Vulo45jz/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. This clip depicts their journey back from Disket.Yes535http://pad.ma/Vi7coazr/info2009-02-07weekly1.0WICityTV: Gujri, oldest junk market. Interview with the shopkeeper.http://pad.ma/Vi7coazr/poster.75.jpgJayshree Reddy and Preeti Prakash, crew members of [http://chitrakarkhana.net/whycitytv.htm WiCityTV], spent the weekend in Shivaji Nagar's notoriously famous Gujri Market. Like Elgin talkies, possibly one of the oldest cinemas in India, Bangalore's Gujri market, established over 80 years ago bears witness to Bangalore's colonial past, the downtown hub of Shivaji Nagar, with its proximity to Cantonment is also home to Russell Market. Here they speak with an antique car parts dealer.Yes2467http://pad.ma/Vtor4k6n/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Popular Culture: Royal Cinema, Pila Househttp://pad.ma/Vtor4k6n/poster.75.jpgInterview of the gatemen at the Royal cinema. Royal cinema is situated in Pila house. Pila house is the district which in early 20th century British adminstration marked as entertainment district – Play house. In local tongue the Play house turned into Pila house. The area was surrounded by various Bazaars – Chor Bazaar (flea market), Null (water tap – broadly meant harware) Bazaar, Kanda-Batata (potato-onion) Bazaar, Bhendi (ladies finger) Bazaar etc. The bazaar with its floating population required entertainment centres. Pila house started with a cluster of theatres which mainly housed Parsee (a generic term for theatrical extravaganza with painted backdrop, historical or mythical themes and melodrama) plays in Hindusthani, Urdu, Gujarati and occasionally Marathi. The theatres later got converted into cinema houses. Some of the century old theatres are still functioning in the area. Interestingly the theatres in 'pila house' have names like Royal theatre, Albert cinema, Alexandra, Imperial – a reminiscent of the colonial legacy. Close to the Pila house and the Bazaars is Kamatipura – the famed red light area. With the international attention on AIDS epidemic and rise of sexual morality in public life, Kamatipura girls have started fading out since late 80s. As one sex worker once commented 'the red light area is now under white light (surveillance)'. And on the other side is Congress house, the community houses for traditional musicians and dancers who migrated to the city after the collapse of the tawaif (courtesan) culture patronized by the feudal system. For more information about Congress house please read The music room by Namita Devidayal, 2007, Random house India. Many of the Congress House artists opted for dancing at bars, made popular around 1970s. In 2005 the state govt. of Maharashtra banned dancing in bars. (for more information about bar dancers and the ban please see events under title Bar dancers, in this site.) With other entertainment establishments in the area under threat, the Pila house theatres are not in pink of heath. The tickets still cost only Rs.15/-, compared to Rs.150/- to Rs.200/- in the multiplexes. As the sites are leased from the govt. at concessional rate for entertainment purposes, they cannot be used for residential buildings. It is only a matter of time when the vicious real estate politics of the city manipulates this stipulation and grab it for 'development'. Interviewer: Madhusree (M), Mukul (MU), abeer. Interviewee: Gateman 1 (G1) and Gateman 2 (G2). Shot by Avijit Mukul KishoreYes1642http://pad.ma/Vsn7mjf2/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Neighbourhood Video Project: Saloon Culture in Public Spaces, Girangaon 1http://pad.ma/Vsn7mjf2/poster.75.jpgGirangaon, which translates as the village of mills, first began to take shape in the 19th century. Girangoan stretches over thousand acres from Byculla to Dadar and from Mahalaxmi to Elphinstone Road. Throughout its history it has been known to have witnessed extensive industrial action and frequent strikes. Most of the workers in these mills were migrants (about 84 % in 1921) who came to the city to work and often returned to their village in old age, in periods of sickness or unemployment and, of course, each year to help with the harvest. There are over 53 mills within Girangoan, most of them shut down. Although Girangoan has traditionally been a working-class district, the prices of real estate have soared over the past decade and the chances of further 'developing' overcrowded and expensive South Bombay – the business district – diminished. Hence, Bombay's most powerful builder lobby turned towards this area. In 2004 Majlis in conjunction with The Girangaon Rozgar Hakk Samiti organized filmmaking workshops with young students from Girangoan. The idea was to facilitate an exploration of the neighbourhood through filmmaking. Two groups were formed and each group chose their area of interest: one made a film on Bharatmata Cinema, the other a film on local men's saloons and hair-dressers titled Kato Magar Pyar se. It is a short and fun film for which they seem to have to interviewed well established saloons as well as street hair-dressers. Among them are citizens from various backgrounds, some playful and spirited others less so. This is an interview with one of them.Yes991http://pad.ma/Vtkyfckd/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Re-generation. The Mall 1.http://pad.ma/Vtkyfckd/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, so endemic to the UK. If the analog control room of MMU's Open Street Surveillance seemed "just like 'Nineteen Eighty-Four'", the CCTV control room of the Arndale Centre bore cold testimony to the much heard myth, 'the IRA bomb saved Manchester.' The mall was the site of the largest IRA bomb in the UK, (1996) and its rebuilding was the start of Manchester's regeneration program. It's our first morning in the Arndale control room. Colin, who was a janitor at the time of the bombings and now a security officer, defends his stand on privacy, iterating the "I've got nothing to hide, so I have nothing to fear" justification. Paul, newest on the job, takes us back into the data bank where blades and terabytes of drives store the data from 206 cameras. The last cupboard he opens reveals "'the one we hate the most": a top angle view of the control room. The watchers are not just watched. Eight microphones record the sounds of the control room. Yes842http://pad.ma/Vu5o965c/info2009-02-05weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day II Session 4http://pad.ma/Vu5o965c/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, so endemic to the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where they discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about their 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. Phil, an employee of BAE systems (which designs aeroplanes for the RAF) and Isabel, an employee of Cornerhouse in Manchester, indulge in a long conversation with Joe. They talk about the pervasiveness and effect of surveillance. We get a disturbing glimpse into the voyeuristic and intrusive aspect of CCTV when, while describing the process of ID'ing people, Joe zooms in on a homeless couple huddled behind a trash can and takes a still photo. Their discussion revolves around issues of information, control, biometric profiling and privacy in times marked by obsession with risk prediction, fear and paranoia.Yes1106http://pad.ma/Vu05tuzj/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Residents: Liyaqat & Qureshihttp://pad.ma/Vu05tuzj/poster.75.jpgThis is an interview from the rushes of the ‘I live in Behrampada’, a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay ’92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of ’92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the ‘other’ community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. Omar Qureshi was a kind of village elder in Behrampada. He was also an active Congress member. With the control of some co-operative bank and ration shop in his hand he was not beyond a fair share of controversy and name-calling. Throughout the riots he was very active in various peace initiatives and had been liaison with the civil society outside Behrampada. It was said that his opposite fraction within the Congress had won the previous municipality election in Behrampada and so he was trying to gain some clout by leading the community during this crisis. What was evident at that time was Omar Qureshi’s excellent oratorical skill and high respect that he commanded from the residents of Behrampada. Liyaqat Ali was a service man and a lieutenant to Omar Qureshi. At that time he appeared to have political aspiration. But later he shifted more towards community social work. He came across as a reasonable man of logic, evidences and non-rhetorical. In that charged time of sectarian politics and identity rhetoric, Liyaqat’s calm demeanor was very reassuring.Yes1316http://pad.ma/Vs7dywxe/info2009-05-05weekly1.0Dharavi Kumbharwada: Female Artisans as Casual Workershttp://pad.ma/Vs7dywxe/poster.75.jpgDharavi is a slum most popularly termed as the Asia’s biggest slum. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 19th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is an area, which was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of the citizens of Dharavi are urban artisans, functioning out of the outer space of their living quarters. This seamlessness in working and living space, over the decades, has resulted not only in high number of female wage earners but also facilitated occupations to an entire family, making it some sort of a family business. Following is a story of a business unit hosted at a home in Kumbharwada (potters’ colony) Wadi 1. Kumbharwada is broadly divided in 4 areas termed as wadis. Wadi 1 was the first of the settlements and thus has more spacious units than the other sectors. The space in Kumbharwada houses cannot be measured by floor space. Each structure is multistoried with many mezzanine floors in-between. Thus the floor space is much more than the ground space. In Wadi 1 some mud houses with typical architecture can still be seen. This particular house belongs to Ghanshodbhai Tank, one of the most prosperous potter in the area. (see the event ‘Dharavi redevelopment: Cityscape and Citizenship’ in this site) The house has four structures around a central courtyard and the accumulated floor space would be more than 5000 square feet. One structure is used for low end production of diyas (oil lamps) and small pots. The other structure is used for high end production of big pots. The other two structures are residential units. The roof top of all structures are used for sun drying of the clay pots. Behind the houses are two round kilns popularly called as ‘Goal Bhattis’. Round kilns are superior than the rectangular ones and in the entire Kumbharwada these are the only two functioning round kilns. These bhattis are estimated to be 150 years old. Women from the neighbourhood come together every afternoon to polish the pots and earn their daily wages along with some of the less fortunate relatives of the family. The shooting is happening inside the production workshop which is three storied. In the ground floor women prepare the clay and make clay casts. While the diyas and other smaller wares are made directly on wheels, the large pots are first moulded and then put on wheels. After the casts are ready the UP Bhaiyas put them on the wheel and make pots. Then the pots go to the terrace (on top of the 2nd floor) to get dried. After the sun dry the pots are put on the bhatti for baking. After baking (depending on the clay quality and requirement of finish quality some baked pots are dried again in the sun). After the pots are properly dried the larger ones come for polishing and colouring. Women are involved at the first phase of making cast, at various stages of drying and then the last stage of polishing, colouring and decorating. The wheels are sometimes ran by the migrant wage workers from UP (Bhaiyas). Though the wheel work is traditionally known as superior job and women are prohibited to do that, these days the Kumbhar women in this kind of a set up severely bully the male migrant workers (bhaiyas) on the wheels in order to settle century old grudges. So the gender, class and migration stature get complicatedly entangled here. With the presence of women workers who live in the same neighbourhood, the workshop turns into a community place to share, gossip and laugh together. The footage is a glimpse into the multilayered housing and multi-faceted life in the Kumbharwada. Layers and layers of spaces… like a vertical labyrinth… you never know from where a head would pop up or from where a pair of feet would dangle. Shot by: Tapan VyasYes1377http://pad.ma/Veeiscxt/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Residents: Pyari Apahttp://pad.ma/Veeiscxt/poster.75.jpgs is an interview from the rushes of the 'I live in Behrampada', a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay '92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of '92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the 'other' community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. Sabira, fondly known as 'Pyari Apa' is a resident of Behrampada. At the time of the riot she used to run a tiny miscellaneous shop in Behrampada. She was known for her story telling skill. Her fame for her oratorical skills took us to her for an interview. Interviewee: Sabira aka Pyari Apa (PA); Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta (M); Shot by: Moloy Roy.Yes463http://pad.ma/Vgdosujg/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Neighbourhood Video Project: Keeping Bharatmata Alive – Ihttp://pad.ma/Vgdosujg/poster.75.jpgThe textile industry of Mumbai started in late 19th century. By the mid 20th century the industry grew into a cluster of 85 mills with a workforce of 230,000 workers. The textile industry was also prominent for its organized labour unions under the broad left ideology. But after the formation of the state of Maharashtra with Mumbai as its capital following an intense movement of identity assertion by the Marathi working class in 1960, the trade union movement slowly started loosing its political significance. The independent and also some right wing unions started consolidating its base in the textile industry. Following a call of indefinite strike led by independent union leader Datta Samant in 1982, the industry started drying up. The mill owners siphoned off the capital out of the state and many declared the mills sick. But the area in lower Parel where most of the mill situated still remained a working class area because of the living quarters of the mill workers in the vicinity. Thus in that area grew up a generation of youngsters who had never seen those chimneys working. They started a youth organization Rojgar Hakk Samiti (right to livelihood organization) in 2000. In 2004 Majlis conducted a video training workshop for the members of Rojgar Hakk Samiti. The participants were split up into two groups and facilitated to make two short films on their neighbourhood. One group decided to make a short documentary film on haircutting practices in their area and made 'Kato Magar Pyaar Se' (Cut, but with love). The other group decided to do a portrait of Bharatmata (literally means Mother India) cinema hall, the popular stand alone cinema in the vicinity. The film was titled 'Runanu Bandh' (Enduring ties). With the various drives of gentrification in the city, Bharatmata has been on everyone's radar. The working class cinema with low ticket rates is also termed as the last bastion of Marathi cinema as against the hegemony of the Hindi cinema, popularly known as Bollywood. But the politics of real estate and revenue generating entertainment industry have been trying for a long time to demolish the theatre. So far the public outcry and strategic mobilization with the eminent citizens and renowned artists have saved Bharatmata cinema from the eventual attack of the bulldozer. These are rushes from Runanu Bandh, shot by those offspring of the mill workers and aided by the Majlis team. Interview with projectionist Harishchandra Dalvi and trade unionist Datta Iswalkar.Yes1230http://pad.ma/Vhmyrvyn/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Migrants, Settlers & Originals: Shama Vazifdarhttp://pad.ma/Vhmyrvyn/poster.75.jpgInterview with Shama Vazifdar. Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Shama is a retired corporate executive. She used to work with ICICI bank before taking voluntary retirement. She is a Bohra Muslim living in Colaba. Colaba popularly known as an affluent part of the south Bombay has a large population of Bohra Muslim. The interview was taken in her family home. This interview was organized as part of tracing the plurality of Bombay’s social structure.Yes1913http://pad.ma/Vhqlefcx/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Interview with Namdeo Dhasal: The Poet and the Politician -2http://pad.ma/Vhqlefcx/poster.75.jpgInterview with Namdeo Dhasal (ND). Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Namdeo Dhasal is an eminent poet, a Dalit poet (dalit- a generic name for untouchable communities). Famous for his volatile personality he remains an enigma in the history of Maharashtra. Namdeo's political journey spreads from communism to Dalit Panther (Dalit liberation party) to right wing Shiv Sena, the extremist party which brought regional chauvinism in the politics of Maharashtra. In some way the life of Namdeo Dhasal is also a map of Maharashtra, specially of Mumbai - from vibrant trade union movement to assertion of regional identity of the working class in Sanyukta Maharashtra movement to sectarian politics to destructive 'development' under ruthless globalization and resulted identity politics. The poet Namdeo, the Dalit Namdeo, the power broker Namdeo, the survivor Namdeo, the rebel Namdeo, the melancholic Namdeo, the cunning Namdeo, the defeated Namdeo, the avant garde Namdeo, the idealist Namdeo, the compromised Namdeo - he has been everywhere, from the fringes to the centre. Quoting Dilip Chitre, " Uprooted from the countryside and replanted in the inner city and the rotten core of Mumbai - a city of the most extreme and dehumanizing forms of exploitation - Namdeo's human roots proved not only tenacious, but also triumphant. He grew up out of a cesspool, drawing nourishment from it, metabolizing its toxic waste and thriving on the immunity he acquired, to become the poet of the underworld, a lumpen messiah, a poor man's bodhisattva". (Namdeo Dhasal, Poet of the Underworld) The interview was a feeble attempt to get into the phenomena that is Namdeo Dhasal. He was a reluctant interviewee. The session was interrupted by numerous phone calls - most of which are complicated 'business' affairs which needed to be fixed. Still at some points in the middle of the session he became real, approachable and maybe somewhat vulnerable. At the end though when we asked him to recite his famous poem Mumbai, Mumbai, Mazhya Priya Rande (Mumbai, my beloved whore) to the camera he said it was too long for him to read. His lack of engagement with the most celebrated work of his, made him a phenomena in our eyes, yet again.Yes1406http://pad.ma/Vtolad8n/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Travelling Through Bakarwal Village Part 1http://pad.ma/Vtolad8n/poster.75.jpgIn 1997, Saeed Mirza and his film crew traveled the length and breadth of India to make "A tryst with the people of India," a documentary that marked fifty years of Indian independence. What has "independence" and "freedom" really meant for ordinary people across the country? How have they experienced modern India's "tryst with destiny?" Mirza hoped to get the people's perspectives on fifty years of freedom through conversations with a wide range of people across the country. As part of this trip, Mirza and his crew also traveled through Jammu and Kashmir, talking to a range of people from Jammu to the high mountains of Ladakh. In this segment, the crew stops at a nomadic settlement on their way to Srinagar. These people are "bakarwals" or shepherds who travel continually between the plains and the snowy mountain paths of Ladakh, camping temporarily in makeshift tents with their sheep, goats, and other animals. Theirs is a fragile existence: at the mercy of the elements, of course, but also, caught between the militants and the army in the ongoing turbulence in Kashmir. Over a meal of parathas and "namkeen chai," Mirza and the crew have an in-depth conversation with the "bakarwals" and with one in particular: Basharat Ali. Basharat is an articulate and very expressive young man, and the conversation becomes a philosophical discussion on the nomadic way of life at a time of great political and social upheaval. Years later, in his book "Ammi: Letters to a Democratic Mother," Mirza remembers this conversation and calls Basharat "the poet of the high mountains."Yes1453http://pad.ma/Veej57vg/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Re-generation. The Mall 2.http://pad.ma/Veej57vg/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, endemic in the UK. If the analog control room of MMU's Open Street Surveillance seemed 'just like 1984,' the CCTV control room of the Arndale Centre bore cold testimony to the much heard myth, 'the IRA bomb saved Manchester.' The mall was the site of the largest IRA bomb in the UK, (1996) and its rebuilding was the start of Manchester's regeneration program. Get to know Arndale's embedded history, with a 'virtual tour' courtesy Gayle, security supervisor sharpshooter at The Arndale. Learn how and why the public are her worst enemy, who ought to realise that the mall is not a public space but actually private property, owned by Prudential and Peel holdings, who together own half of Manchester. 206 cameras in The Arndale, but they only police the 'open areas.' Stores have their own networked security chain, Store-Net. Stumble upon an ironic act of kindness, a prayer room installed just to stop people from looking for quiet corners which would be deemed 'risky'. Some providence: the location of the prayer room is the only place in the mall which has 2 static cameras (as opposed to remote pan-tilt-zooms) resulting in a 6 metre blind-spot. Yes653http://pad.ma/Vhqxjl2f/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Neighbours: Arun Naik & Prakash Bhurtehttp://pad.ma/Vhqxjl2f/poster.75.jpgThis is an interview from the rushes of the 'I live in Behrampada', a documentary on a Mulim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay '92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of '92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the 'other' community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. Omar Qureshi was a kind of village elder in Behrampada. He was also an active Congress member. With the control of some co-operative bank and ration shop in his hand he was not beyond a fair share of controversy and name-calling. Throughout the riots he was very active in various peace initiatives and had been liaison with the civil society outside Behrampada. It was said that his opposite fraction within the Congress had won the previous municipality election in Behrampada and so he was trying to gain some clout by leading the community during this crisis. What was evident at that time was Omar Qureshi's excellent oratorical skill and high respect that he commanded from the residents of Behrampada. Liyaqat Ali was a service man and a lieutenant to Omar Qureshi. At that time he appeared to have political aspiration. But later he shifted more towards community social work. He came across as a reasonable man of logic, evidences and non-rhetorical. In that charged time of sectarian politics and identity rhetoric, Liyaqat's calm demeanor was very reassuring.Yes1229http://pad.ma/Vgtqiblr/info2009-05-05weekly1.0Dharavi Kumbharwada: Ghanshorebhai Tank on Redevelopment Schemehttp://pad.ma/Vgtqiblr/poster.75.jpgDharavi is popularly termed as the largest slum in Asia. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is an area, which was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 223 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. A 1986 survey by the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF) counted 530,225 people (106,045 households) living in 80,518 structures. But considering the large number of ‘unofficial/illegal’ migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of the citizens of Dharavi are urban artisans, functioning out of the outer space of their one-storey shanties. This seamlessness in working and living space, over the decades, has resulted not only in high number of female wage earners but also facilitated occupations to an entire family, making it some sort of a family business. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be ‘re-developed’ to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to grab more land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. Currently the whole settlement – the residents’ associations, the govt., the international builders’ lobby as well as the civil society in Bombay are engaged in intense debate and complex maneuvering to extract the best possible deal out of this. But the problem is what is best for one of these sectors can be considered damaging by the other sector. Dharavi has been divided into 5 administrative sectors to facilitate the development process in smaller chunks. Besides the neighbourhoods are also determined by community occupations and infrastructures – such as Kumbharwada (potters’ colony), Koliwada (fisherman’s colony) etc. Following is an encounter with a resident of Kumbharwada (Potters’ colony), Mr. Ghanshodbhai Tank. Kumbharwada is the most organized and prosperous settlement in Dharavi. This house in Kumbharwada Wadi no 1. Kumbharwada is broadly divided in 4 wadis according to the date of inception. The Wadi 1 is the oldest and still has some old mud houses with innovative architectural features. Hence they enjoy better visibility and media presence than the other communities and occupations in Dharavi. There are 150 kilns (bhattis in local language) in wadi 1. The other wadas (sectors) are less spectacular with smaller houses, less number of kilns, and less facilities in terms of shop outlets. Wada no 4 is a Muslim majority settlement and situated in the interior of Dharavi. Some residents of Kumbharwada, specially from wadi 1 are organized in a outfit named after their caste ‘Prajapati’. Many of them believe that they would be able to use this clout effectively and would achieve a role of participation in the model of ‘redevelopment’ to be followed. Ghanshodbhai Tank is one of the major voices for development, albeit in his own terms. He owns a beautiful large house with two workshop units and two residential buildings spread in multiple floors and two round Kilns (goal bhattis). Round kilns are rare, more efficient and of superior architecture. The floor space of Ghashodbhai’s house will be around 5000 square feet. Shot by Tapan Vyas. Yes1390http://pad.ma/Vi2i2gvb/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Neighbourhood Video Project: Saloon Culture in Public Spaces, Girangaon 2http://pad.ma/Vi2i2gvb/poster.75.jpgGirangaon, which translates as the village of mills, first began to take shape in the 19th century. Girangoan stretches over thousand acres from Byculla to Dadar and from Mahalaxmi to Elphinstone Road. Throughout its history it has been known to have witnessed extensive industrial action and frequent strikes. Most of the workers in these mills were migrants (about 84 % in 1921) who came to the city to work and often returned to their village in old age, in periods of sickness or unemployment and, of course, each year to help with the harvest. There are over 53 mills within Girangoan, most of them shut down. Although Girangoan has traditionally been a working-class district, the prices of real estate have soared over the past decade and the chances of further 'developing' overcrowded and expensive South Bombay – the business district – diminished. Hence, Bombay's most powerful builder lobby turned towards this area. In 2004 Majlis in conjunction with The Girangaon Rozgar Hakk Samiti organized filmmaking workshops with young students from Girangoan. The idea was to facilitate an exploration of the neighbourhood through filmmaking. Two groups were formed and each group chose their area of interest: one made a film on Bharatmata Cinema, the other a film on local men's saloons and hair-dressers titled Kato Magar Pyar se. It is a short and fun film for which they seem to have to interviewed well established saloons as well as street hair-dressers. Among them are citizens from various backgrounds, some playful and spirited others less so. This is an interview with one of them.Yes459http://pad.ma/Vgu2cb7z/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Calendar and Posters in Chandni Chowkhttp://pad.ma/Vgu2cb7z/poster.75.jpgChandni Chowk market in old Delhi, built by the Mughal emperor Shahjahan in 1650, is a large and multi-layered bazaar. The bazaar is divided into areas according to the merchandise - Kinari Bazaar, Nai sarak, Chawri bazaar, Tilak bazaar, Flea market etc. The Chawri bazaar is famous for its stationery market. An important part of that wholesale calendar market. Adding more colour to Chandni Chowk's psychedelic landscape is the calendar bazaar. The calendars mainly consist of oleographs - bearing pictures of Gods and Goddesses and pictorial depictions of the Indian Epics. Raja Ravi Varma, an aristocrat from Travancore was a celebrated artist. He was responsible for almost single-handedly creating a revolution in modern Indian aesthetics with the establishment of the Ravi Varma Press. His paintings of Gods and Goddesses, epic heroes and heroines, practically defined the new pan-Indian iconography. The prints became the most influential medium of visual communication in what was then a socially and culturally fragmented Indian society. Using German printers and high-speed steam driven presses, Ravi Varma published millions of copies of these famous paintings as well as other religious icons. This school of art eventually grew into a large industry called calendar art. The pictures in calendars, which are used to advertise goods and services doubled up as icons for political propaganda, where heroes, Gods, and national leaders merged into each other. This kitschy, hybrid form of calendar art is massively popular among the people and it will not be surprising to find every Indian household with one of these prints, in some form or the other, in their possession. In fact, most Indians perceive their Gods and Goddesses to be exactly like the ones seen in these images, so popular are they. And it is not just the Hindu Gods and Goddesses that find a place in these calendars. Islamic scriptures, Christian motifs - like the crucified Christ, or Mother Mary with the infant Jesus are also seen quite often. The ideal, the beautiful and the revered all find a place in the calendars that hang in this dingy wholesale shop. Bollywood stars, enjoy their Demi-God status next to the Lord Krishna and Goddess Laxmi, smiling divinely from the paper calendars, stacked atop each other in the crowded by-lanes of Chandni Chowk. In the month of December the bazaar is at its peak in preparation for the New Year. Shopkeepers, small traders, commercial establishments are seen choosing designs for the complimentary calendars for 2002. Iconography has a special place in the Indian social landscape. There are always popular reproductions of gods, religious motif, film stars, political leaders, sportsmen in various sizes, forms and formats available for popular consumption. It is most visible in the public places in the form of a phenomena popularly called as 'postering'. This event was shot as part of the study of Indian visual culture in the streets, bazaar, homes and shrines. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore.Yes1389http://pad.ma/Vdxvhzez/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Interview with Namdeo Dhasal: The Poet and the Politician -1http://pad.ma/Vdxvhzez/poster.75.jpgInterview with Namdeo Dhasal (ND). Interviewer Madhusree Dutta (M). Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Namdeo Dhasal is an eminent poet, a Dalit poet (dalit- a generic name for untouchable communities). Famous for his volatile personality he remains an enigma in the history of Maharashtra. Namdeo's political journey spreads from communism to Dalit Panther (Dalit liberation party) to right wing Shiv Sena, the extremist party which brought regional chauvinism in the politics of Maharashtra. In some way the life of Namdeo Dhasal is also a map of Maharashtra, specially of Mumbai - from vibrant trade union movement to assertion of regional identity of the working class in Sanyukta Maharashtra movement to sectarian politics to destructive 'development' under ruthless globalization and resulted identity politics. The poet Namdeo, the Dalit Namdeo, the power broker Namdeo, the survivor Namdeo, the rebel Namdeo, the melancholic Namdeo, the cunning Namdeo, the defeated Namdeo, the avant garde Namdeo, the idealist Namdeo, the compromised Namdeo - he has been everywhere, from the fringes to the centre. Quoting Dilip Chitre, “ Uprooted from the countryside and replanted in the inner city and the rotten core of Mumbai - a city of the most extreme and dehumanizing forms of exploitation - Namdeo's human roots proved not only tenacious, but also triumphant. He grew up out of a cesspool, drawing nourishment from it, metabolizing its toxic waste and thriving on the immunity he acquired, to become the poet of the underworld, a lumpen messiah, a poor man's bodhisattva". (Namdeo Dhasal, Poet of the Underworld) The interview was a feeble attempt to get into the phenomena that is Namdeo Dhasal. He was a reluctant interviewee. The session was interrupted by numerous phone calls - most of which are complicated 'business' affairs which needed to be fixed. Still at some points in the middle of the session he became real, approachable and maybe somewhat vulnerable. At the end though when we asked him to recite his famous poem Mumbai, Mumbai, Mazhya Priya Rande (Mumbai, my beloved whore) to the camera he said it was too long for him to read.Yes2619http://pad.ma/Vu5i98sp/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Re-generation. Manchester Arndale.http://pad.ma/Vu5i98sp/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, so endemic to the UK. If the analog control room of MMU's Open Street Surveillance seemed "just like Nineteen Eighty-Four'", the CCTV control room of the Arndale Centre bore cold testimony to the much heard myth, 'the IRA bomb saved Manchester.' The mall was the site of the largest IRA bomb in the UK, (1996) and its rebuilding was the start of Manchester's regeneration program. Working with some members of the Livewire Youth Program at Cornerhouse, the team was able to make a 'public' request for the Mall's surveillance footage by using 'image-release' forms offered by documentary film-makers, combined with conditions of the UK Data Protection Act. Jai Redman and Joe Richardson, two artists from Manchester's Ultimate Holding Company, came in to survey on day two. After an illuminating conversation with Gayle and others in the control room, the artists took a walk around the mall. This is the transcript of part of this conversation pasted over some of the footage released. Yes544http://pad.ma/Veej32pl/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Livelihood: Female Cobblerhttp://pad.ma/Veej32pl/poster.75.jpgPopularly termed as Asia’s biggest slum, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to mid 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 223 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. But, considering the large presence of unofficial/illegal migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. As a microcosm of contemporary urban phenomena of the developing countries, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Many of the citizens of Dharavi are petty traders, urban artisans or piecemeal workers, functioning out of the outer space of their one-storey shanties. This seamlessness in working and living space, over the decades, has resulted in high number of female wage earners. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be ‘re-developed’ to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to grab more land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. Dharavi today is home to approximately one million people, mostly migrants. Therefore, any sort of re-development of the area would imply mass rehabilitation of those living here. The rehabilitation package is likely to be delivered in terms of the exact measurement of the living space, and not considering the value- financial, cultural and social, attached to the living-cum-working space. Our project aims at documenting the various communities who have not only found homes for themselves in Dharavi but whose livelihoods are intrinsically tied to this space. Since the workspace is part of the living space women are key players in their home-based trades. We hope to evolve a comprehensive documentation and dissemination of the spaces and lives of Dharavi residents. The documentation is aimed to provide resources at the negotiating table with Govt. and the builders’ agencies, for urban study curriculum and for social movements against displacement of urban poor in the name of development. This event is portrait of a 80 year old woman, working as a cobbler. Cobbling is traditionally meant to be a male profession. Generally practiced by lower caste men there is a nasty stigma attached to the job. Cobbling as in shoe making could be a lucrative profession. But individual cobblers as local vendors, who repair people’s old shoes, are a far cry from the glitter of the shoe market. Our protagonist, the 80 years old woman, opted for this vocation 60 years back when her husband and son died of alcohol poisoning. She works under a flimsy plastic sheet on the road from 11 am to 7 pm. When she comes back home in the evening her first priority is to go to the toilet as she could not do that for the whole day. The next routine is to drink a glass full of country liquor. We failed to fit in an interview in this tight schedule. All the information that we gather about her is from the other family members. The family has been shifted to their present accommodation a few years back at the beginning of the current construction activities in Dharavi. The accommodation is called Transit camp. But the family members have no idea what they are supposed to be transited to. Yes1112http://pad.ma/Vi35vs9j/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Disket Document: Stadium Roundtable 3http://pad.ma/Vi35vs9j/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. It turned out that this part of the "Buddh Mahotsav" was organised along with 'Operation <i>Sadbhavana</i>', an insidious army-led initiative that was only very recently introduced (mid 2001) by Maj. Gen. Arjun Ray. The cultural festival of Ladakhi dance and music was organised by the Army officers' wives. Our delegates found themselves co-opted into this farce as they addressed this vast crowd in Hindi, Urdu or English on the topic of National Integration, the speeched interspersed with various performances. This is part three of the 'Stadium Roundtable.' (While their conference was completely hijacked by the VHP machinery, the colleagues did have many candid and sometimes intense discussions over meal times, etc. For more, search for 'Disket')Yes1161http://pad.ma/Vevkc5lp/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Disket Document: Masked Dance Performancehttp://pad.ma/Vevkc5lp/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. This clip shows the delegates whisked off to the Disket Gompa (the only Gompa or monastery in the Disket region) for a two and a half hour cleansing ritual and masked dance performance. Locals, tourists and participants of the seminar are all gathered at the monastery for this breath-taking and hugely religious ritual-cum-performance by the <i>Lamas</i> (monks) of the Gompa.Yes2535http://pad.ma/Vhmatjr9/info2009-01-29weekly1.0India Theatre Forum - Mapping Localeshttp://pad.ma/Vhmatjr9/poster.75.jpgYes5328http://pad.ma/Vsbonyun/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day I Session 2. 12 pmhttp://pad.ma/Vsbonyun/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, endemic in the UK.. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where they discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about their 'public health', under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. 2 colleagues from the Cornerhouse education program (the work was commissioned Cornerhouse) signed on for the noon session. Joe, one of the operators, (blurred on request) explains how the CCTV camera would be "effective" in preventing crime as he demonstrates a series of hypothetical scenarios. Bernadette shows us the VHS tape cabinets and explains the record/erase procedure. Steve, on a ground patrol radios in and asks her to watch over a 'guy and a girl having a blazing row, pushing a trolley (with a baby).'Yes334http://pad.ma/Vumc143l/info2009-02-14weekly1.0Disket Document: Dinner Discoursehttp://pad.ma/Vumc143l/poster.75.jpgA number of historians, journalists and activists are invited to Disket in the Nubra Valley, Ladakh to participate in National Integration Conference. However, it appears that the same has been misrepresented, on arrival they are told that the actual event is the celebration of "Buddh Mahotsav", the first in a series of Nation-wide Events (the next was to be in Arunachal Pradsh) master-minded and organised by the VHP. What were a bunch of left-liberal folks to do? They performed their speeches for the good citizens and children of Disket, and talked late into the night. This clip depicts their discussions over dinner - making reference to everything from Leftist ideology, politics and workers rights, to feminism. The participants consist of : Shaina - Shaina Anand SA – Shubhadra Anand, Historian (Former Principal and Professor of History, R. D. National College, Bandra, Mumbai) IE – Irfan Engineer, Social Activist and Advocate (Director - Center for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai) MM – Meena Menon, Political and Trade Union Activist (Vice President, Girni Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti (Mill Workers' Action Committee) and Senior Associate, Focus on the Global South) RM - Rama Menon, journalist NS - Nandini Sunder, journalist SV - Siddharth Vardarajan, Former Editor, Times of India; currently the Strategic Affairs Editor, The Hindu. KMC - Kamal Mitra Chenoy, Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru UniversityYes1025http://pad.ma/Vg8ielth/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day I Session 1. 11amhttp://pad.ma/Vg8ielth/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, endemic in the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where they discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about their 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. This is a cut from the first session of the day. A young film-maker from London shows up with her camera, and quizzes the surveillance control room officer of Manchester Metropolitan University about how the system works. She expresses her reservations about surveillance as a preventative measure against crime. Interestingly, she brings her camera along and films as much as she can. Yes494http://pad.ma/Vfs57ij4/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Neighbours: Female Residents of the LIG Colonyhttp://pad.ma/Vfs57ij4/poster.75.jpgThis is one interview from the rushes of the ‘I live in Behrampada’, a documentary on a Muslim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay ’92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of ’92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. What is apparent in the interviews is the different perspectives on each event, accusation of the ‘other’ community and the feeling of being wronged and rejected. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes, makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. This is an interview with the women of the building no. 30 in LIG (lower income group) colony, a building cluster made by the government that flanked the settlement of Behrampada. The building no. 30 is located at the vantage point between the slum and the middle class neighbourhood. In the two months period of the riots this building has often been marked as a source of attacks on the low rise slum. In this interview the women residents vehemently denies the allegation. This interview was conducted primarily in Hindi. Interviewees: LIG residents; Interviewer: Neera Adharkar (N) and Madhusree Dutta (M); Shot by: Moloy Roy.Yes901http://pad.ma/Vi7ce8b6/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Roadside Shrines: Christmas Cribs after WTC Attackhttp://pad.ma/Vi7ce8b6/poster.75.jpgChristianity though claimed to be a monolithic religion, actually survives in many versions all over the world. In turn local practices and rituals, over the years, permeated into the fortress of the centralized religion. The first known sign of Christianity in the region of India was the arrival of St. Thomas, one of the 12 disciples of Christ, in Kerala in first century AD. Christmas cribs are popularly known as tableaux of nativity (story of birth) of Jesus. In the year 1220 St. Francis of Assissi visited Bethlehem and witnessed the participatory way Christmas was celebrated there through these tableaux which recreated the birth of Jesus. He brought the ritual to Europe and then it spread all over the world. Though the cribs are religious, they are not essentially institutional. Any devotee can create a crib either in their houses or in public places or in the church. Setting up the manger figures is a favorite family activity. Children like to arrange the figures of Mary and Joseph in the stable, and the shepherds, animals and other figurines that are moved closer to the stable each day in anticipation of the arrival of baby Jesus. In many families, the figure of the Baby Jesus remains hidden until Christmas morning, when the children "discover" Him in the manger. It is also a custom to have the figures of the wise men begin their approach towards Bethlehem on Christmas Day after the star has appeared, to arrive at the stable. Christmas cribs have become more part of the festivity than religion. In that sense it has become part of the local popular cultures. As a result, often the cribs demonstrate local flavours and sentiments instead of the linear story of nativity in the Bible. Making cribs in public places have also become a popular social activity for the neighbourhood youngsters. This sequence was shot in Bombay during the Christmas of 2001, soon after the attack on WTC in New York and US invasion in Afghanistan. Overwhelming number of cribs referred to this development in their own ways. The cribs portrayed a curious mixture of traditional & kitsch and classical & contemporary. The young crib makers betrayed their own complex identity while interpreting the fall of WTC and the related events. A vague sense of Asian or third world identity made them sympathetic to the people of Afghanistan. At the same time their commitment to the Church made them critical about the alleged Islamic involvement in the violence of WTC attack. The young boys could not really articulate this complexity, but it was clearly evident in their works and words. However much the propaganda machine of George Bush had claimed that it was only ‘a war against terrorism’, these young boys in India understood the issue very well as a war against the Islamic Asia. Yes1282http://pad.ma/Vhr32c3t/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Campaign & Exhibition in Support of S. A. R. Geelanihttp://pad.ma/Vhr32c3t/poster.75.jpgOn December 13th 2001, the Indian Parliament was attacked by 5 gunmen. The NDA Government squarely laid the blame on Pakistan based militant groups, Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad. In the days that followed, the police arrested 3 Kashmiri men and one Sikh woman under Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA). While the world was still reeling from the aftermath of 9/11 and the culture of Islamic demonisation, several nations including India passed anti-terror laws which permitted the use of confessions, extracted by police authorities, as permissible evidence within courts. Not only was this an infringement of International Human Rights law, it led to unconstitutional judgements and judicial demands which led to the accused being given death sentences in what has come to be known as the Indian Parliament Attack case. The apparent logic appeared to be that the attack on the Indian parliament merited an emotionally volatile and constitutionally unhinged retribution. Thus, most notably Afzal Guru and Geelani were given death sentences. One of the accused, Syed Abdul Rehman Geelani, was a lecturer at the Zakir Hussain College in Delhi. Geelani was given a death sentence by Judge S. N. Dhingra in 2002. A group of concerned citizens and activists formed the All India Committee of Defence for S. A. R. Geelani which campaigned for his acquittal. 50,000 postcards had been sent to the Home Ministry during the campaign by citizens demanding a fair trial. The shoddy police investigation, sensationalist media reportage and nationalistic chauvinism by BJP generated a blind hysteria which overlooked the basic tenets of judicial procedures. The growth of global Islamophobia, as well as a long ongoing resistance to Kashmiri disaffection created an atmosphere where these two intersected to produce an even more acute and sinister sentiment. For further reading kindly refer to 13 DEC: A Reader which has reprints of articles and essays by Nandita Haksar, Arundhati Roy, A. G. Noorani and Nirmalangshu Mukherji. The present video is a recording of the poster exhibition titled From Death Penalty to Acquittal: Lies of our Times Yes1433http://pad.ma/Vu0nov6c/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Cityscape and Citizenship: Interview with Bulldozer Driver Sanjayhttp://pad.ma/Vu0nov6c/poster.75.jpgThis interview is shot in a workshop of Tarmat Infrastructural & Engineering Ltd. It is an international company which provides construction vehicles such as cranes, bulldozers, cement mixers etc. This workshop is meant for maintenance of the vehicles. So there would be hundreds of big vehicles, some old and rusted and yet some others freshly painted lie all over the huge campus. The workshop was a temporary one with a very small office in the middle of it. Goregaon east at that time was at the height of construction activities with buildings coming up under SRA (slum rehabilitation authority) scheme, new sky scrapers and shopping mall being under construction and adjacent forest land being released. The frenzy of construction activity required a vehicle repair workshop in the vicinity. We met Sanjay in the Nagri Nivara Hakk Samiti (Citizens' Housing Rights Association) office. He was a migrant worker from UP. He worked in various capacities as casual worker and was unemployed when we met him. His casual work briefs also included demolishing huts of the 'illegal' migrants. So he did – demolished huts of the people who are like him, for his livelihood. Finally one day he had to demolish his own home. With 55% to 60% population in this city living in slums and shanties this might be a regular occurrence when one is hired to destroy one's own life in order to make place for 'development'.Yes1071http://pad.ma/Vevef9uf/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Arrivals & Departures: Memorial Plaques at Cathedral Churchhttp://pad.ma/Vevef9uf/poster.75.jpgSt. Thomas Cathedral in the fort area is one of the oldest churches in the city. The foundation stone of the church was laid in 1672 and the inauguration happened on Christmas day in 1718. The church was named after St. Thomas, one of the 12 disciples of Christ who came to India and established the first Christian church in Kerala in first century AD. The Church was built to ‘improve the moral standard’ of the growing British settlement. A protestant establishment the church was built next to the European Fort where the white colonials were housed. The entrance of the church was one of three gates to the fort. After that gate the area was named Churchgate – a name which is still in use as the current train terminus. The St. Thomas church of beautiful gothic structure was elevated to a cathedral in 1837. Popularly it is always called Cathedral church. Currently the cathedral stands in the middle of the commercial region in the Fort area. The immaculate grave stones and the memorial plaques silently display the history of 200 years of colonised India. The evolution of English language since mid 18th century can be read through the texts on the plaques. Also can be traced the landmarks in colonial history as many British generals, soldiers and administrators who died in various battles against the revolts and struggles by the ‘natives’ were either buried or paid homage to at the cathedral. The elegant marble tombstones and plaques with intricate calligraphy and skillful sculpting bear the sub-texts of much violence of last two and a half centuries. This cathedral was shot as part of a study of the cemeteries in the city. The study was undertaken as an exercise in reading the history of the city and the movement of various communities in and out of the city at various historical junctures. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Yes1225http://pad.ma/Vs5wa9bn/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Chandni Chowkhttp://pad.ma/Vs5wa9bn/poster.75.jpgGoing by the name and the location, Chandni Chowk (literary means Silver Square)was built by the Mughal emperor Shahjahan in 1650, just outside the historical Red Fort. Through the 350 years the bazaar has gone through various metamorphosis and has also expanded in size. Today Chndni Chowk is one of largest markets in the country for both wholesale and retail outlets. The market offers wide range of merchandise – textiles, tailored clothes, Jewellery, electorincs, hardware, vessels, religious accessories, papers, stationery and calendars, leather goods, musical instruments, antiques, Chemicals, medical equipments, kites, eateries, spices, sweetmeats, dry fruits and so on. No contemporary shopping mall can compete with Chandni Chowk both in terms of variety and quantity of merchandise. The bazaar is divided into areas according to the merchandise – Kinari Bazaar, Nai sarak, Chawri bazaar, Tilak bazaar, Flea market etc. Chandni Chowk is also populated by shrines of different faiths. Other than the famous Jama Masjid, there are also many Hindu and Jain temples, Sikh Gurudwara and Christian churches. Chnadni Chowk bazaar mirrors the Characteristics of India in its multiplicity in culture and religion, a cusp between tradition and modernity and the overlap between spaces and functions. Chandni Chowk is frequented not only by the traders and shoppers, but also by Indian and foreign tourists. If not for the silver jewellery or electronic goods, then for the prayer at the Jama Masjid or for the delicious Kebabs at Karim’s and the roadside chats at Khari Baoli. The old constructions and extremely narrow bylanes, smell of spices and street food, sound of many languages and many kinds of vehicles, slow moving cycle rickshaws and hand pulling carts, shop displays and event announcements spilling over on the road with the movement of a dense population – Chandni chowk is one seamless flow from old civilization to contemporary metropolis. The bazaar was shot as part of a study of Indian visual cultures in bazaar, streets, shrines and homes. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore.Yes2772http://pad.ma/Vsndf1jm/info2009-06-26weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Residents: Quran Chachihttp://pad.ma/Vsndf1jm/poster.75.jpgThis is an interview from the rushes of the 'I live in Behrampada', a documentary on a Muslim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay '92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of '92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. In this search, the film interviewed people from different classes and religions – namely, Hindu building residences, and Muslim slum dwellers; authorized buildings and unauthorized or under-dispute settlements. However, reading/seeing the whole rushes makes it clear that it was a manifestation of old politics of majoritarianism. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. Quran Chachi, whose name is not known to us, was a resident of Behrampada. During the Bombay riots, Chachi helped her neighbours of Behrampada by doing her bit – reciting the Quran and hence calling out to Allah for help. The crew chanced upon her while hanging around in the settlement and recorded her testimony. She provided some graphic detail of taming of the wild land that they reside on now. Yet, making a land does not make anyone a legitimate resident of that place! A class and community identity plays a much more vital role in right to citizenship / residents. "I Live in Behrampada" is a depiction of that. Interviewee: Chachi (C); Interviewer: Madhusree Dutta (M); Shot by: Moloy RoyYes316http://pad.ma/Vfsn8vkx/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Enforced Disappearances and Civic Action 1http://pad.ma/Vfsn8vkx/poster.75.jpgEnforced disappearances are a reality in Kashmir. Like most other issues pertaining to the unresolved conflict, the number of disappearances, agencies responsible for these and of course the legal status of those missing are frequently contested. Former Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Saeed put the number at 60 while the former Law Minister Muzaffar Hussain Baig told the State Assembly on March 25, 2003 that since December 1992, 3744 are reported missing of whom 135 have been declared dead. Activists such as Parveena Ahangar of the Association of the Parents of Disappeared Persons and Zahir-ud-din, editor of Greater Kashmir estimate the numbers to be in the range of 4000-10, 000. These two 'events' were recorded and given to us by Zahir-ud-din. We have not edited any portions from the tape. Figures and numbers aside, the matters shared by most interviewees bring attention not just to the personal grief resulting from such disappearances but also to the material and social incumbencies brought to bear upon women, especially wives of disappeared persons. In all cases, however, each woman has described numerous arduous journeys they have undertaken to institutions, prisons, courts and detention centres. Parveena Ahangar has been at the forefront, having formed the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons to forge a community and bring attention human rights violations as well as to the grievances of the relatives. Yes972http://pad.ma/Vumjlgdk/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Travelling Through Bakarwal Village Part 2http://pad.ma/Vumjlgdk/poster.75.jpgIn 1997, Saeed Mirza and his film crew traveled the length and breadth of India to make “A tryst with the people of India,” a documentary that marked fifty years of Indian independence. What has “independence” and “freedom” really meant for ordinary people across the country? How have they experienced modern India’s “tryst with destiny?” Mirza hoped to get the people’s perspectives on fifty years of freedom through conversations with a wide range of people across the country. As part of this trip, Mirza and his crew also traveled through Jammu and Kashmir, talking to a range of people from Jammu to the high mountains of Ladakh. In this part, Mirza and the crew continue their conversation with Basharat Ali and the people of “Bakarwal Village,” a small group of nomadic shepherds who have set up a temporary settlement on the way to Srinagar. Basharat describes the many difficulties they face: lack of access to education and any kind of medical care are two of the major concerns. At the same time, Basharat speaks eloquently of the freedom and independence of their way of life, and of their love for the environment and natural beauty that surrounds them. Finally, they share a meal with the shepherds before continuing on their journey. Basharat is an articulate and very expressive young man, and the conversation becomes a philosophical discussion on the nomadic way of life at a time of great political and social upheaval. Years later, in his book “Ammi: Letters to a Democratic Mother,” Mirza remembers this conversation and calls Basharat “the poet of the high mountains.” Yes1489http://pad.ma/Vs6686ca/info2009-02-05weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day II. various. http://pad.ma/Vs6686ca/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, so endemic to the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where they discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about their 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. This is footage of interactions between some of the participants and the surveillance control officers at the Manchester Metropolitan University. They talk about the "real" and imagined benefits of CCTV as a crime prevention measure. Hannah, a student of criminology feels good to know that "someone up there is always watching," Lowrie wonders about the omnipotence of the whole thing, finding it "a bit like God."Yes330http://pad.ma/Vee7b8zt/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Pydhonie the Day Before Idhttp://pad.ma/Vee7b8zt/poster.75.jpgPydhonie is an area between Mazgaon and the island of Mumbai. Some believe that the name is derived from the Marathi word ‘py’ means feet and ‘dhone’ which means to wash – in reference to a small creek that formed during the high tide. This was probably the first land permanently reclaimed from the sea in Bombay. Pydhonie separates the predominantly Muslim population of the eastern part of the inner city from the mainly Hindu part to the west. The main landmark is the Mumbadevi Temple. There are many famous markets close by such as Mohmad Ali road, Crawford market, Null bazaar (hardware market), Chor Bazaar (thieves’ market) etc. This video was shot extensively in the bazaars of Pydhonie during ramzan on the day before the Id. The market was specially busy with transaction in preparation of the id. The market was shot as an exercise to study the visual cultures on the streets and bazaars of India. Yes852http://pad.ma/Vezj5f9v/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Case: Citizens’ Enquiry on Police Atrocitieshttp://pad.ma/Vezj5f9v/poster.75.jpgAfter the ban on dancing in bars was implemented, around 70,000 women workers were rendered unemployed. The ban was implemented by the Govt. on the midnight of 15th August, the independence day of India, on the pretext of public morality. Some of the dancers later joined back as waiters in the bars. Of course, this new work did not pay as well. Besides, as customers now had physical access to them there was prevailing fear of sexual harassment. But they still chose to do this work as this was a familiar work setup for them. Anyway not much employment opportunities were available to them given their illiterate background and migrant status. But even after the ban was fully implemented the police continued to raid the bars and harass the women waiters and other employees. The raids on the bars, suggests that even waiter service work for women is not acceptable by the State. The women and other employees were arrested on flimsy pretext and harassed through court cases and in police custody. Around the same time several cases against the ban on dancing in bars were being argued in the Bombay High Court. Six months later the High Court struck down the ban as unconstitutional. It is possible that the home ministry, realizing the weakness of their case, made desperate attempts to collate evidences of criminality from the bars. It could also be the ire of the powerful directed to the lowly citizens who dared to challenge the system in the court and also through the media campaign. A citizens’ committee comprising of women’s rights and human rights activists and lawyers was constituted to investigate a series of raids that happened on the bars where everyone from women waiters, to other staff including managers and owners along with the customers present were arrested. Retd. Hustice H. Suresh, journalist and women’s rights activist Geeta Sheshu, Journalist Dilip d’Souza, women’s rights activist Sujata Ghotaskar and advocate Flavia Agnes were part of citizens’ panel. The depositions before the Committee were made on 27th August, 2005 at Y.W.C.A., Colaba, Bombay and the final report titled, ‘Abuse of Authority’ was released on 11th October, 2005 at the Press Club in Mumbai. The struggle for the human rights of the bar dancers, like many other professions which are related to sexuality, is affected by the issue of visibility. Often the dancers hesitate to openly protest or even press a complaint fearing that they would be exposed to their families and neighbours. The police then take full advantage of their vulnerability. Even in this event a few girls requested anonymity. Respecting their reservations we have taken out their images. Yet we have decided to upload their statements not only to reach their voices to a larger audience, but also to highlight the issue of social invisibility. We are also uploading the images of other dancers. Through this period of collective struggle some girls could successfully rise above the social stigma and its oppression. We thought we would honour that too. We hope all visitors and users of this site will understand the delicate balance and act accordingly.Yes2542http://pad.ma/Vg8urs1x/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Case: Report on NDTVhttp://pad.ma/Vg8urs1x/poster.75.jpgThis is an NDTV “Special Report” on the controversy of banned dance bars in Mumbai. Mumbai is one of those cities where dance bars have been thriving and have met no open or big opposition for years. To the commoners' eye, they are invisible, yet they are starkly a part of the Mumbai folklore. Dancing to the beat of popular Hindi numbers and entertaining a male audience of a diverse age group, these girls and women earn their livelihood. Dancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the ‘70s. They were recognizable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The bars though have been part of the cityscape for a long time, always maintained a low profile in terms of social visibility. It seems invisibility was a kind of shield for them. So, the silent existence of these bars was thrown into turmoil when a ban was proposed. (It got implemented on August 15, 2005, ironically (or maybe not) India's Independence Day. But this programme was telecasted in the intermediary period of passing the bill to ban the dance bars and implementing it). The Govt. proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women’s organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women’s body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. As the campaign progressed other issues and agenda – such as migration and regional chauvinism; nexus between police, politician and crime world; hypocrisy of public morality; interpretation of women’s rights and dignity etc. became part of the debate. In some sense the issue mirrored the contradictions of contemporary urban life. The speakers: Geeta Shetty, bar dancer and spokesperson of the Bar dancers’ union; Simran: Bar dancer; Preeti Patkar: Social worker, founder of Prerana, a night school initiative for the children of sex workers and faculty of TISS; Sanjana: Bar dancer; S Balakrishnan: Journalist; R R Patil: Leader of ruling NCP party and home minister of Maharashtra who spearheaded the campaign against dance bars with a missionary zeal; A N Roy: Police commissioner of Mumbai; Vilasrao Deshmukh: Leader of ruling Congress party and chief minister of Maharashtra; Uddhav Thackrey: President of the Marathi chauvinist party Shivsena; Manjeet Singh Sethi: Bar owner and president of Bar Owners’ Association; Middle class men; middle class girl; Flavia Agnes: Women’s rights advocate and founder of Majlis, a centre for rights discourse and inter-disciplinary art initiatives, Anonymous bar dancers.Yes1196http://pad.ma/Vsmlf2ih/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancer on the Ban: An Interview with Geetahttp://pad.ma/Vsmlf2ih/poster.75.jpgDancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. It was a device to attract more customers to the bars and boost up sale of alcohol. The Govt. initially encouraged it in order to increase their revenue. The practice also turned out to be a modernized version of commercial dance. It provided livelihood to large number of women including many migrants from neighbouring states and countries. Many women from traditional courtesan, devdasi and other such commercial dancing communities had opted for dancing in bars. As the feudal patronage dried up dancing at bars, other than in marginal capacity in Bollywood cinemas, became the only option for these women. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars on the pretext of public morality. The proposal sparked wide public debate on issues of sexual morality, women’s rights and right to livelihood. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. Still the Govt. went ahead and implemented the ban on 15th August, independence day of India, rendering approximately 70,000 women jobless. This is an interview with a bar dancer in the intermediary period when the petitions against the ban was pending in front of the Bombay court. Geeta is an active member of the bar dancers union. A married woman and mother of two children she is already on the wrong side of the age. The insecurity of loosing youth can be severe in this profession. Geeta has reached the stage when she can already feel the pinch. At this stage the sudden ban makes it far worse. She thinks the debate is eating into her precious last few hours in the circulation. She is from Maharashtra. The govt., at one point, announced that it would only consider rehabilitation programme for the dancers who are from the state of Maharashtra. This could be a ploy to break the unity of the dancers. But anyway it goes with the chauvinist politics of the region. To understand the issue and the event better it is recommended to visit other file under the same title in this site. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore. Interviewee - Geeta (G), Interviewer- Madhusree (M)Yes693http://pad.ma/Vt4gq085/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Arrivals & Departures: Sewri Cemeteryhttp://pad.ma/Vt4gq085/poster.75.jpgThis is part of a series of study on the cemeteries of different communities in Bombay. In order to trace the multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious composition of the city the history, anecdotes, location and class structure of cemeteries were studied. This cemetery is known as Sewri Christian cemetery. Founded in 1865, the cemetery was meant to be the burial ground of the ruling British personnel and other European residents. Below are some excerpts from online queries about the cemetery from all over the world. "My grandmother, Sophie NICHOLAS, d. 1951, and was buried in Sewri Cemetery, Church of England/Scottish Section (Plot #NE2, Row E, Grave No. 6--white border around grave, grassy top with a white stone cross on top), Bombay. My Mum's last visit to the gravesite was in 1997, and she took photos, and it was upkept well. Aloma" "Further to Aloma's query, does anyone know of a source (preferably online) which lists the names/details of those interred in the Sewri Cemetery. Trying to find Ernest FREED who died in Bombay about 1934. TIA. Warmest regards, Terry Waters-Marsh Australia" "Sewri Cemetery Bombay burial record Ellen Blunden (View posts) Posted: 7 Aug 2006 6:15PM I am seeking further information if possible on the record of burial for James Topliss buried 6 April 1924". Once situated in one of the original seven islands that formed Bombay city, the cemetery today is part of the dense population. Shot by Avijit Mukul KishoreYes2292http://pad.ma/Vsmpixv1/info2009-06-15weekly1.0World Social Forum: Work in Progress, Bombay, 2004http://pad.ma/Vsmpixv1/poster.75.jpgThe World Social Forum originated in Porto Alegre, Brazil as a joint platform of various groups working on an anti-globalisation platform including the French group ATTAC. The first WSF was partly supported by the Porto Alegre government led by the Brazilian Worker’s Party. It was attended by 12,000 people from around the world. In the following years the event grew in size and support and in its 4th year, it was held outside Brazil for the first time, in Mumbai, India. It was attended by over 75,000 people. It was notable for having marked participation from indigenous people’s movements and highlighting issues of caste, sexualities and gender, besides a significant incorporation of art and performance as a site of politics as well as protest. As part of the activities we ran a video bulletin where media students who had been in a workshop for three weeks, where they learnt about the political issues as well as the journalistic challenges of covering such an event, worked with professional camera, sound and editing technicians as well as a group of three supervising editors/producers. The bulletin played on TV sets spread across the WSF grounds. Part of the intent was to involve local media students and future media practitioners in a significant political moment. But the impulse and shape of the exercise was also a response to the growing idea of radical documentation in the indy-media mode- unedited and supposedly uncommenting and by extension the assumption that to be amateur/raw/instantaneous/access technology was to automatically be radical. While acknowledging the power of many of these approaches within the moment of something like the Seattle protests, the video bulletin sought to take the discussion ahead and think about documentation from a space of political thought, to communicate political ideas and not documentation as political by default. Among the considerations was how to document an event of such scale and multiplicity with as much diversity as possible, but also with lasting value as a document of response. Hence the mixture of the professional and the amateur, the journalistic and the impressionistic, the guided and the completely personal was evolved. The bulletins were presented in a newsmagazine format and were of varying lengths. The film Work in Progress was put together from the approximately 80 hours of material generated in the process. Editing the film was a challenge precisely because of the wildly varied nature of the material, shot by 6 different camera people directed at various times by either of 18 different student directors in a space where one thing was constantly interrupting another. Eventually the film sought to knit together this diversity without smoothening it into unity, by using a concert style. We kept in mind the central themes that were discussed at the WSF, but also looked for the different eyes and ears that had recorded it and used that to create some pattern in texture and representation, to present a sense of this event and the political ideas that it is composed of. Though PADMA is essentially a site for unedited footage, we have made an exception in this case to put an edited film. The main reason is that the collection of footage runs in 100 hours. Besides, since the material is shot by different groups of people even the edited film represents multiple views of the event.Yes3576http://pad.ma/Vf077dg5/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Conversation with Fishermen on Dal Lakehttp://pad.ma/Vf077dg5/poster.75.jpgIn 1997, Saeed Mirza and his film crew traveled the length and breadth of India to make “A tryst with the people of India,” a documentary that marked fifty years of Indian independence. What has “independence” and “freedom” really meant for ordinary people across the country? How have they experienced modern India’s “tryst with destiny?” Mirza hoped to get the people’s perspectives on fifty years of freedom through conversations with a wide range of people across the country. As part of this trip, Mirza and his crew also traveled through Jammu and Kashmir, talking to a range of people from Jammu to the high mountains of Ladakh. In this part, Mirza and his crew are at the famed Dal Lake in Srinagar. The lake is famous for its idyllic beauty, its flora and fauna, the houseboats and shikaras that float on it. At the time that the crew travel to Dal Lake though, tourism and all other industries have suffered because of the turmoil of the early 1990s. And as the crew find out, the predominant mood here seems to be characterized by fear and despair. They first stop at a small fishing village and try and talk to some of the fisherfolk. While they are friendly enough, though, it is clear that these people are not ready to open up about their lives, definitey not to strangers with cameras. And then, a little further on Dal Lake, Mirza and the crew talk to their boatmen, two young men named Javed and Parvez. They are more willing to talk than the fishermen, certainly, but they talk of a fear, the kind of fear that makes people too afraid to say anything at all. And, of a kind of suffering that’s almost incommunicable. “Its too hard…if you were Kashmiri, you wouldn’t be able to answer these questions either.” Says 19 year old Javed, their tour guide on Dal Lake.Yes1552http://pad.ma/Vdxzlek7/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Conversation with Wood Craftsmanhttp://pad.ma/Vdxzlek7/poster.75.jpgIn 1997, Saeed Mirza and his film crew traveled the length and breadth of India to make “A tryst with the people of India,” a documentary that marked fifty years of Indian independence. What has “independence” and “freedom” really meant for ordinary people across the country? How have they experienced modern India’s “tryst with destiny?” Mirza hoped to get the people’s perspectives on fifty years of freedom through conversations with a wide range of people across the country. As part of this trip, Mirza and his crew also traveled through Jammu and Kashmir, talking to a range of people from Jammu to the high mountains of Ladakh. In this section, Saeed Mirza stop at a wood-carving workshop ner Srinagar and talk to a mastercraftsman, Rafique. Wood-carving is an important industry in Kashmir, and wood-carving is a craft that has come down through several generations in Kashmir. These pieces of wooden art are important export items. The worst of the conflict that wracked the valley in the 1990s may be over by this time; there may be less fighting and bombing. But the army is everywhere, and many, many Hindus have left. How have these ongoing events affected the craftsmen, their livelihood, their art?In a fairly long conversation, Mirza asks Rafique these questions. Rafique is slow to open up, preferring perhaps to focus on his work rather than talk with a strange crew. By the end of the conversation, though, Rafique is noticeably more relaxed.Yes1697http://pad.ma/Vfwy1lnh/info2009-03-02weekly1.0Bazaar: Neighbourhood Daily Market in Trivandrumhttp://pad.ma/Vfwy1lnh/poster.75.jpgIt is a document of the daily life in a neighbourhood bazaar in Trivandrum. It is all about the ordinariness of the everyday. The bazaar is not famous or specifically exotic (depends on the interpretation of exotic), it is not even a large enterprise. It is a daily market selling mainly flowers and vegetables. The city is known for its various temples. The early morning flower shops obviously cater to the devotees to these temples. Many vendors, specially the women, offer a meager ware. It is said that the economy of an area can be understood by the quantity of the merchandise sold by any individual in the market. By that logic this market paints a sad picture. But maybe it is too superficial to jump into such conclusion so easily. However, the visuals of women standing for hours with handfuls of petals to sell is a poignant one. Most vendors in this bazaar do not even have a stall but uses small baskets and gunny sacks. It appears to be a normal day at the market with the usual chatter and bustle. The people seem largely unconcerned about the video camera in their midst. It is quite a counter to the usual romantic exotica associated with the great Indian bazaars. Maybe the understated and non-exhibitionist culture of South India (as oppose to the pomp of the North India) too has something to do with this. It is interesting to note that the audio of the bazaar sometimes seems more animated that the visuals. On wonder then that the crew had spent considerable time recording the ambience sound. The bazaar was shot as part of a study of Indian visual cultures in bazaar, streets, shrines and homes. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore.Yes1856http://pad.ma/Veed5elr/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Neighbourhood Video Project: Keeping Bharatmata Alive – IIhttp://pad.ma/Veed5elr/poster.75.jpgBharatmata theatre was built on the mill land in Parel during the peak of textile mills in Mumbai in the ‘60s. The cinema was built as a ploy to make the migrant workers addicted to the city. The workers who were mainly migrants from the rural areas of Maharashtra were prone to leave the workplace for long duration and go back to the villages. Hence the mill owners thought of building a theatre as a source of entertainment close to the living quarters of the workers in Parel. Bharatmata continued to screen Marathi cinema for the working class even after fifty years at an affordable price. Without any paraphernalia of large screen, Dolby sound or air conditioning the theatre remains a bastion of mass entertainment. Kapil Bhopatkar, the manager of Bharatmata, has a ancestral relationship with the theatre. His grandfather Sadashiv Bhopatkar was a silent film hero. He was chosen by the mill owners to run Bharatmata (then called Laxmi talkies). Infact it was Sadashiv who adopted a policy decision to “run only Marathi films”. A tradition that remains to this day, save some tough times during the 80’s with the video revolution. A painting of his is hung on the right hand side of the screen, along with Dadasaheb Phalke, the father of Indian cinema, on the left. During the Quit India movement Bharatmata, in response to patriotic nationalism, had its name changed from Laxmi talkies. Hence all three theatres in this vicinity were named accordingly - Hindmata, Jaihind and Bharatmata. But since early 2000, with large scale globalization and land acquisition for the service industry in the area, Bharatmata theatre has come under public scrutiny. In 1980 a historical workers’ strike took place in the textile industry of Mumbai. The mill owners took advantage of the inexperienced leadership and siphoned off the capital out of the state. Most of the 54 mills never started again leaving large number workers unemployed. Since mid ‘90s, with the hidden blessings from the Govt., the mill owners started leasing out the mill lands reserved for the industrial use to the consumers’ market and real estate developers. Thus the area today has become an edgy neighbourhood of consumers’ outlets, offices of the multi-national corporations, residential skyscrapers and low rise workers’ quarters. The prime land that Bharatmata stands on, thus become a centre of controversy. In 2004 Majlis conducted a video training workshop for the members of Rojgar hack samiti. The students were split up into two groups and facilitated to make two short film on their neighbourhood. One group decided to make a short documentary film on haircutting practices in their area and made ‘Kato Magar Pyaar Se’ (Cut but with love). The other group decided to do a portrait of Bharatmata (literally means Mother India), the popular stand alone cinema in the vicinity. The film was titled ‘Runanu Bandh’ (Enduring ties). These are rushes from Runanu Bandh, shot by those offspring of the mill workers and aided by the Majlis team.Yes1205http://pad.ma/Vtoqvvms/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Case: Meeting of the Bar Owners Association Ihttp://pad.ma/Vtoqvvms/poster.75.jpgThis is footage of a public meeting organised by the Bar owners association against the proposed ban on dancing in bars in Maharashtra. Dancing in bars of Bombay and other parts of Maharashtra began in 1970s. In 2005, the Maharashtra government proposed to ban dancing in the bars. The proposal sparked wide public debate on sexual morality, women's rights and right to livelihood. The civil society division on the issue was sharp as many women's organisations, left parties and trade unions supported the ban on issues of public morality and degradation of women's body. While many others, including Majlis, Forum against oppression of women, Women's studies research unit of SNDT university and other feminist groups opposed the ban on account of gender assault on right to livelihood, sexuality and performance. The ban got implemented on 15th august, 2005, the Independence Day. The ban was challenged in Bombay High court by the Bar dancers' union, feminists groups and bar owners associations. Majlis represented the bar dancers' union in the High court. On 12th April 2006 the Bombay High Court struck down the ban as unconstitutional. The Govt. appealed to the Supreme Court and thus affectively kept the bar closed inspite of the High court order. Presently the case is subjudiced. This meeting was organized in the interim period of proposing the bill and actually implementing the ban. The bar owners and the bar dancers are traditionally not allies as their relationship is that of employers and employees. Many bars also exploited the dancers is severe manner. The stigma attached with dancing in bars prevented the women to raise voice against the bar owners. But in the present scenario the bar owners and the bar dancers are together against the Govt. decision to ban dance bars. Their survival are intertwined. The bars would suffer huge loss and many would close down in the eventuality of banning dancing. Here Manjit Singh, President of the Bar Owners Association and Varsha Kale, President of Bar Dancers Union speak to the bar owners about the situation, their perspectives on the situation and how they need to work together to be able to combat the ban and its effects.Yes2015http://pad.ma/Vgodwnov/info2009-05-25weekly1.0Behrampada: Public Prayershttp://pad.ma/Vgodwnov/poster.75.jpgThis is a collection of shots from the rushes of 'I live in Behrampada', a documentary on a Muslim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay '92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of '92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The persecution of the Muslims of Bombay, more specifically of Behrampada, started from 7th December, 1992, the day after the infamous Babri Masjid demolition in Ayodhya by the cadres of Hindu fundamentalist outfits. The Babri Masjid was a 16th century structure, a fine example of Jaunpuri architecture. The Hindu fundamentalist outfits claimed that it was the birthplace of the mythical Hindu god and the prime character of epic Ramayana, Ram. By using the majoritarian forces and the right wing govt. in the state of Uttar Pradesh, they demolished the Masjid and established a Ram temple in its place. The issue of erecting a large fancy temple at the site of the erstwhile Masjid is still one of the main points on which the elections of the country are fought, even in 2008, after 16 years of the demolition. During the height of this controversy we shot a few images of the Namaaz and the Maha Arti in the vicinity of Behrampada. Yes1005http://pad.ma/Vfsn6r98/info2009-03-03weekly1.0Behrampada: Topographyhttp://pad.ma/Vfsn6r98/poster.75.jpgThis is a collection of shots from the rushes of 'I live in Behrampada', a documentary on a Muslim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay '92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The riots of '92-93 divided the famed cosmopolitan city of Bombay on communal lines and the neighbourhood of Behrampada bore the brunt of this division. The film explored social biases, which under emergency can create mayhem. It is recommended to visit the other interviews under the same category in this site in order to understand the whole picture. In this event we have compiled the shots of the slum from the outskirt. The slum is walled by Bandra station, LIG colony (lower income group colony). MIG (middle income group colony), Railway colony and an artery road called Anant Kanekar Marg which connects the station to the busy Highway. The outer ring of the area are comprised of a few important Govt. establishments – ONGC, MSEB, Indian Oil, Provident fund, Bandra court etc and a large marsh land. It is very important to understand the topography of the ghetto in order to deconstruct the neighbourhood violence in the name of communal intolerance. The surrounding areas of Behrampada are part of the middle class urban development phenomena. The large area of the low rise settlements are mostly viewed from a vantage top angle from the terraces of the high rise buildings or the foot over bridge of Bandra station. The densely situated small shanties appear like crawling creatures – in turns either exotic or repulsive, but nonetheless unknown and de-human. This vague social discomfort and discrepancies between Behrampada and the milieu surrounding them, were used to whip up a violent animosity. Most of the Behrampada residents are Muslim. Infact most of the poor people in India are Muslims. The social reasons for it are many and complex and cannot be discussed here. But this fact about Behrampada were used by the Hindu fundamentalist during the post Babri Masjid demolition to incite the Hindu neighbours in high rise buildings who have never entered the bylanes of the settlement. Yes1148http://pad.ma/Vev46pag/info2009-03-25weekly1.0Behrampada: Documentshttp://pad.ma/Vev46pag/poster.75.jpgThis is a collection of shots from the rushes of 'I live in Behrampada', a documentary on a Muslim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay '92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The documents signal to the popular sentiment and the street culture of that time. What the newspapers were writing, what were the writings on the wall, who were the people killed by the police, what were the foregrounded images of the city…. The images raise many more questions than they answer. Yes1555http://pad.ma/Vfsis7od/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Bhand Pather Artists Subhan Bhagat and Mahjoor Bhagat Ihttp://pad.ma/Vfsis7od/poster.75.jpgPather is a folk theatre form of Kashmir. Bhand is the community of performers. The plays of the Bhands are called pather, a word that seems to have derived from patra, dramatic character. Bhand comes from the bhaana, a satirical and realistic drama, generally a monologue that is mentioned in Bharata's Natya Shastra. The Bhand Pather though is not a monologue but a social drama incorporating mythological legends and contemporary social satire. Born Hindus, the Bhands converted to Islam and remain very secular in their outlook. An extremely simple, witty and practical people. The Bhand Pather unfortunately does not sustain them economically and they have been driven to other professions primarily weaving the basket work of the kangris, wolloen blankets and carpets. Post tenth century onwards has been a time when there were foreign invasions in the valley, the social fibre was disturbed and the Kashmiri became a slave in his own land where he had to face and live with alien cultures, religious and socio- political systems. This cross exchange also come through in the folk tradition of the state. The injustice that the people suffered was expressed in the plays albeit as absurd or humourous be it the king in Darza Pather or the royal soldiers in Shikargah, who speak in Persian to the poor and illiterate Kashmiri and expect him to understand a foreign tongue and whip him for not replying. Or the English couple in Angrez Pather who speak a hilarious version of the language to a resthouse guard while out on a hunt. In the Gosain Pather which is about Shiva and the Saivites of Kashmir, large puppets with masks are used to project the sense of oppression through the characters of the king or the witch. In all the plays, the local character is the protaganist, victorious in the end. The tradition and form is handed down through the generations from father to son. The Bhand has to train himself to be a skillful actor, dancer, acrobat and musician. The leader of the troupe is called the magun, a word taken from maha guni, a man of varied talent. He teaches his people the art and expertise of their inheritance. Today the training is virtually non-existent. A danger signal of the impending doom on this form of entertainment. The finest performers all belong to the older generation. Acting, dance and music are an integral part of the form as a whole. In pure tradition, the performances begin in the evening with a ritualistic dance, also called a chhok but different from the one done at the Shiva Bhagvati temple. With the onset of night the play unfolds gradually and ends in the early hours of the morning with the magun doing a duay kher, a prayer or blessing. The Bhands dance to the tune of a specified mukam and the orcehstra includes the swarnai, dhol, nagara and the thalij. The swarnai is larger in size than the shehnai with a strong and metallic sound that has arresting impact in the open air arena. This instrument attracts audiences from the vicinity. A very special wind instrument, it is made in three parts: the nai or wooden pipe made by special carpenters, the barg, a reed of a particular grass found locally and a copper disc the diameter of the pipe into which the barg is fitted. Before the swarnai player adopts his newly made instrument a ritual offering is made in dargah. The composition played is called a mukam and each Bhand Pather has its own. The music follows a set pattern, the salaam, thurau, dubitch, nau patti and the salgah. There is a highly developed system of music based on the classical mould of the sufiyana kalaam with intricate and codified patterns. M. K. Raina, theatre director. This is an interview of a contemporary Bhand artist Mahjoor Bhagat. His father Mohd. Subhan Bhagat had revitalized the Pather tradition by playing the roles of teacher, performer, historian, archivist and reformer, rolled into one. This interview should be read in the context of the recent upheavals in Kashmir. A popular culture or a folk form always reflects and also hides the unutterables of a time in its body. The works of Pather artists can be a major source of understanding the sentiment of the ordinary people in Kashmir. This interview was conducted by filmmaker Pankaj Rishi Kumar for the film Pather Chaujeri. The interview was conducted near the memorial structure of Mohd. Subhan Bhagat.Yes1216http://pad.ma/Vhajvzd3/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Bhand Pather Artists Subhan Bhagat and Mahjoor Bhagat IIhttp://pad.ma/Vhajvzd3/poster.75.jpgPather is a folk theatre form of Kashmir. Bhand is the community of performers. This is an interview of Pather artist Mahjoor. He is son of legendary Pather artist and historian Mohd. Subhan Bhagat. For more about Subhan Bhagat please see the event - Kashmir: Folk Theatre of Bhand Pather I in this site. Mahjoor is trying to take forward the unfinished work of his father of documenting the history of Kashmiri folk theatre. Pather like all folk forms is pedestrian, agile and reflexive of its time. However, these forms were looked down upon in the 20th century, under the influence of post-colonial modernity, for their bawdy qualities. Many forms got extinct at that time. Though after independence a few visionaries tried to revive some of these forms by providing state patronage. Mohd. Subhan Bhagat, father of interviewee Mahjoor, was trusted to revitilise the Pather form. In the present volatile situation of Kashmir, where the whole population is edgy under various forms of violence and betrayals, the secular folk theatre of Pather may provide the much needed discourse to peace. It is interesting that Mahjoor talked at length about the role of comedy in the society. Comedy has always been a pedestrian cultural form as against the epic tragedies of classical works. Folk theatre often creates / improvises subversive narrative under the disguise of robust and bawdy comedy. In academic terms they can be called social satire or subversive popular culture. These forms could dodge the wrath of authority at any given time due to its agility, both in terms of content and physicality (these troups were mostly nomadic). The interview is conducted by Pankaj Rishi Kumar and interviewee Mahjoor Bhagat. The interview was conducted at the memorial structure of Shubhan Bhagat.Yes1736http://pad.ma/Vha3qgya/info2009-02-05weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day II Session 2. 11amhttp://pad.ma/Vha3qgya/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, so endemic in the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where they discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about their 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. This is footage of Kate's conversation with Steve, the surveillance officer at the Manchester Metropolitan University. Kate is a film curator working at FACT, Liverpool and is interested in looking at how artists and operators look at CCTV. The interaction was interesting in that it reveals Steve's perspective on being stereotyped as "the security guard on a power trip." He also talks about how his job has altered his way of "seeing" reality. He now perceives the world around him through the detached "eye" of the camera. They talk about how and when, in the process of "watching," does one realise that someone's privacy is being invaded.Yes585http://pad.ma/Vfx9rui4/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day I Session 5. 4 pm. http://pad.ma/Vfx9rui4/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, endemic in the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where we discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about our 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. At 4 pm, a young man and woman came in and started a conversation that considerably changed the dynamics of the room. They began by questioning CCTV's near total inefficacy when it came to preventing violent crime. Joe and Steve got defensive, and stated that they were the first people in the day who had such obvious issues with video surveillance and began speaking about actual crime in the estates and suburbs. When it turned out that both Joe and the participants lived in Moss Side, 'one of the roughest neighbourhoods around,' the discussion shifted towards policing versus community support. Daniel said that the only way to effective crime control was if the police officers had personal relationships with the community or neighbourhood they policed. Yes830http://pad.ma/Vfsutshl/info2009-02-04weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day I Session 7. Evening http://pad.ma/Vfsutshl/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, endemic in the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where they discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about their 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. Both Lowri and Amy had been victims and witnesses of crime that had occurred in the area being surveyed by the MMU security Centre. They recount these instances, even as the operator tracks a a hooded male down several streets. Yes424http://pad.ma/Vi7yvtw7/info2009-03-03weekly1.0Behrampada & Its Labyrinthshttp://pad.ma/Vi7yvtw7/poster.75.jpgThis is a collection of shots from the rushes of 'I live in Behrampada', a documentary on a Muslim ghetto in the context of the Bombay riots, an aftermath of the Babari Masjid demolition. I was 8 years old during the Bombay '92-93 riots. My only memory of the time was an unscheduled two-month holiday from school, though the adult talk about stray dead bodies and destruction remains stored in some corner. Later various other incidents of violent identity politics and representations of the Bombay riots in films etc. made a constant a reference point. Going through the rushes after 15 years has also been a process of coming to terms with my own city and its black holes. The shots of the interior of Behrampada are compiled in order to demystify the settlement. There were wide spread allegations of Behrampada being a harbor of terrorists, running bomb making factories, being filthy, being public health hazard… basically being a site of hell. These shots captured the normal life style of the settlement. Ordinary livelihood activities, house hold chores, children playing, bazaars, businesses etc. make the neighbourhood like any others, albeit of a poorer kind. The crew’s focus was not on whether this large settlement was home to any individual criminals or not, as that could be true of any settlement of this size. Yes2610http://pad.ma/Vfgebc2x/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day II. Session 3http://pad.ma/Vfgebc2x/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, so endemic to the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where they discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about their 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. This is footage of Julie's visit to the surveillance control room of the Manchester Metropolitan University. Julie works at ITV. The older security officers are also present in the room and the conversation opens up to involve them. Steve expresses their resentment at being stereotyped as a 'four-pound-an-hour security guard on a power trip' even as the patrol officers reassert the importance of the 'man on the ground' over CCTV. Julie talks about young kids on estates having no respect for the elderly, and is corrected by Steve who pointedly tells her that kids at Uni can be just as offensive. Soon the discussion moves to the pubs (as seen on CCTV) around the Uni and the near complete gentrification of the place, the resentment amongst locals who can no longer visit their local pub since it is now 'student-only.' In a subtle reversal of subjectivities, we hear first hand from the security guards about the rapid gentrification of the city, "Picadilly gardens used to be beautiful. It's a bloody Berlin wall now!"Yes1267http://pad.ma/Vu5tyw1a/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day I Session 3. 1pmhttp://pad.ma/Vu5tyw1a/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, endemic in the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where we discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about our 'public health,' under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. This is footage of Rob and Alasdair's interaction with Steve, the Surveillance Control Officer at Manchester Metropolitan University, along with Shaina and Chris. They inquire about the UK Data Protection Act and whether the department has ever received requests for footage from individuals. Alasdair talks to Shaina about her perspective and if she was interested in viewing the CCTV footage from an artistic point of view. During this time Steve keeps returning to a group of youngsters gathered at the back of a building (smoking). When they sensed the camera swinging towards them, they turned to look straight at it. Bernadette remembers an 'incident' they were all involved in and described the events leading up to the Mancunian Way bomb scare on July 13, 2005, with Steve illustrating the action on cameras. Yes455http://pad.ma/Vh53r5jh/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Kumbharwada: Community Occupation and Urban Developmenthttp://pad.ma/Vh53r5jh/poster.75.jpgDharavi is popularly termed as the largest slum in Asia. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is an area, which was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 223 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. But considering the large number of ‘unofficial/illegal’ migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of the citizens of Dharavi are urban artisans, functioning out of the outer space of their one-storey shanties. This seamlessness in working and living space, over the decades, has resulted not only in high number of female wage earners but also facilitated occupations to an entire family, making it some sort of a family business. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be ‘re-developed’ to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to grab more land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. Following is the story of 12 year Akshay and his mother from the Wadi 3 in Kumbharwada (potters’ colony). The Kumbharwada is broadly divided in 4 wadis by the age of the settlement. The number of the wadis also loosely represent the economic status of the neighbourhood with Wadi 1 being the most prosporous.The traditional occupation Akshay’s family is to make clay pots. But pressure of earning more than what the traditional clay pots can generate Akshay’s father has gone to Qatar to work as a tailor. Yet the home based craft and trade had to be maintained. Specially this is the time for Diwali (the light festival) which is considered as the peak season for potters. So the woman alone handles wage labourers, productions and delivery along with the daily chores at home. Not only the private space, work space and public space collapse into one, even the working hours extend into nights. The family and the entire neighbourhood is geared to a frenzy of making diyas (earthen lamps used in large numbers in every Hindu household during diwali). We could have an easy access to the family due to our friendship with little Akshay. Though still a small boy, in the absence of the father he commands reasonable respect in the house as the next male member. Initially his mother was very happy about his association with the ‘outsiders’ 0 the shooting crew. But as the days passed she started getting worried and suspicious about the association. She communicated to us in no uncertain term that she does not want Akshay to ‘go away’ like his father. Though she aspires Akshay to grow up to be somebody more than a potter, she cannot overcome her apprehension about being deserted by the men in life. These conflicting thinking has had an impact on Akshay too. Though he loves to play with clay and proud of being the only male member among the female wage labourers and family members, he is also sure of showing contempt towards the vocation of pottery. This duality is symptomatic of the social stigma attached to skill based vocation and artisanship and also about living in the slum of Dharavi. An evening at Kumbharwada. Shot by Tapan Vyas. Yes986http://pad.ma/Vtjset7r/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Kite Market in Ahmedabad, Dayhttp://pad.ma/Vtjset7r/poster.75.jpgMakar Sankranti, which usually falls on 14th or 15th January is the last day of the month of poush, by the Hindu calendar. The season is celebrated for post harvest revelry at the end of winter. In some regions it is celebrated by holy bath at Ganga river where it has met the sea. In some other places the day is celebrated by making sweet made of the new rice. Yet in some other regions the day is marked by flying colourful kites. In India the kite festival on Makar Sankarnti is mainly observed in Gujarat and Rajasthan. In Gujarat the art of kite making and kite flying has been taken to a great height and has also become a vibrant craft industry. The artisans who make kites are mostly Muslims whereas the consumers are primarily Hindu. For many years this reciprocal structure of Muslim craft and Hindu festival has been celebrated as an example of communal harmony and social ecology. But the myth of harmony associated with this festival was shattered in March 2002, barely 45 days after this video of the kite festival in Ahmedabad was shot. Gujarat and specially its capital Ahmedabad unleashed a pogrom on the Muslim citizens. The carnage had full patronage from the state and from a large number of people from Hindu and Jain communities. Many of the traders and artisans in the kite markets might have become victims of the carnage and many of the kite players that we had shot with might have been the perpetuators of the violence. "I distinctly remember one striking moment. While working with the kite festival rushes to edit into a film I got tired and switched on the TV. It was the first week of March 2002. Images of Ahmedabad carnage was being reported and one shot came on screen which look like the same neighbourhood where we shot the festival only 6 weeks back. It was the same youngsters on the same terraces and the same sky littered with flying objects - only this time the objects were stones and crude bombs. Since then the colour of the kites in this footage changed for ever, for me" - Madhusree, about shooting these images. Shot by: Avijit Mukul KishoreYes2014http://pad.ma/Vt3l4g19/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Bazaar: Kite Market in Ahmedabad, Nighthttp://pad.ma/Vt3l4g19/poster.75.jpgMakar Sankranti, which usually falls on 14th or 15th January is the last day of the month of poush, by the Hindu calendar. The season is celebrated for post harvest revelry at the end of winter. In some regions it is celebrated by holy bath at Ganga River where it has met the sea. In some other places the day is celebrated by making sweet made of the new rice. Yet in some other regions the day is marked by flying colourful kites. In India the kite festival on Makar Sankarnti is mainly observed in Gujarat and Rajasthan. In Gujarat the art of kite making and kite flying has been taken to a great height and has also become a vibrant craft industry. The artisans who make kites are mostly Muslims whereas the consumers are primarily Hindu. For many years this reciprocal structure of Muslim craft and Hindu festival has been celebrated as an example of communal harmony and social ecology. But the myth of harmony associated with this festival was shattered in March 2002, barely 45 days after this video of the kite festival in Ahmedabad was shot. Gujarat and specially its capital Ahmedabad unleashed a pogrom on the Muslim citizens. The carnage had full patronage from the state and from a large number of people from Hindu and Jain communities. Many of the traders and artisans in the kite markets might have become victims of the carnage and many of the kite players that we had shot with might have been the perpetuators of the violence. "I distinctly remember one striking moment. While working with the kite festival rushes to edit into a film I got tired and switched on the TV. It was the first week of March 2002. Images of Ahmedabad carnage was being reported and one shot came on screen which look like the same neighbourhood where we shot the festival only 6 weeks back. It was the same youngsters on the same terraces and the same sky littered with flying objects - only this time the objects were stones and crude bombs. Since then the colour of the kites in this footage changed for ever, for me" - Madhusree, about shooting these images. Shot by Avijit Mukul KishoreYes2108http://pad.ma/Vss0f3z2/info2009-03-03weekly1.0Bazaar: Sunday Flea Market in Delhihttp://pad.ma/Vss0f3z2/poster.75.jpgSunday market of Delhi is a flea market. It takes place every Sunday behind Red Fort on Ring Road. It is a retail market for both old and new merchandises. Though there are some kiosks, most of the shopping takes place on the road where the goods are displayed either on a sheet of plastic or cloth or hung from the light poles. The market runs through the whole day into the night. The vendors take full advantage of the light traffic of the Sunday and encroach on the road with their wares. People come even from far away places to make their purchases at Sunday market. Second hand woolens, used shoes, army rejects as well as cheap Chinese made commodities are main attraction. By the time the camera crew reached the market it was late evening of December. A good part of the market was already closed. Though the street vendors were still going strong. Plastic toys, plastic flowers, real flowers, garments and street food were jostling for attention in the back drop of old city architecture and colourful street hoardings. A few stray customers and more onlookers were still hanging around. The presence of the camera raised a slight curiosity among the city dwellers. Quite unexpectedly the crew came across a wedding procession. As per the North Indian custom the groom, along with large number of friends and relatives, had set out for the bride's place on horse back. A local commercial music band played to the occasion. The bazaar was shot as part of a study of Indian visual cultures in bazaar, streets, shrines and homes. Shot by Avijit Mukul Kishore.Yes2487http://pad.ma/Vha3sk0z/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Kumbharwada: Mud Bhattis and Gas Kilnshttp://pad.ma/Vha3sk0z/poster.75.jpgDharavi is popularly termed as the largest slum in Asia. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is an area, which was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 223 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. A 1986 survey by the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF) counted 530,225 people (106,045 households) living in 80,518 structures. But considering the large number of 'unofficial/illegal' migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of the citizens of Dharavi are urban artisans, functioning out of the outer space of their one-storey shanties. This seamlessness in working and living space, over the decades, has resulted not only in high number of female wage earners but also facilitated occupations to an entire family, making it some sort of a family business. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be 're-developed' to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to grab more land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. Currently the whole settlement - the residents' associations, the govt., the international builders' lobby as well as the civil society in Bombay are engaged in intense debate and complex maneuvering to extract the best possible deal out of this. But the problem is what is best for one economic group can be damaging for the other groups. The govt. has divided Dharavi into 5 administrative sectors in order to facilitate the development process in pieces. Besides, the neighbourhoods are also determined by community occupations and infrastructures - such as Kumbharwada (potters' colony), Koliwada (fisherman's colony) etc. Following is an evening shoot around the kilns in the Kumbharwada (potters colony). Kilns are spines of the Kumbharwada. Every lane in Kumbharwada have multiple number of kilns. Some people own and run the kilns and others bake their products on rental basis. The kilns are so important and primary in the Kumbharwada that any festival (diwali, holi, Navratri) which requires public space is celebrated around the kilns (see event titled Dharavi: Navratri Celebration in Khumbhawada). When the textile industry was running in the city, the potters used to buy the cotton waste from the mills to run the fire in the kilns. But as the textile industry shut down they are forced to use other material, some of which are highly polluting, to run the fire. Thus in last one decade or more the Kumbharwada has come to be the focus of debate as a centre of health hazard. Shot by Tapan Vyas.Yes1274http://pad.ma/Vhr51orr/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Tamil Community: Redevelopment for a Congress Workerhttp://pad.ma/Vhr51orr/poster.75.jpgDharavi is popularly termed as the largest slum in Asia. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is an area, which was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 223 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. A 1986 survey by the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF) counted 530,225 people (106,045 households) living in 80,518 structures. But considering the large number of 'unofficial/illegal' migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of Dharavi's old residents are from interior Maharashtra, Kutch and Kathiawad region in Gujarat and from Kanyakumari, Thirunelveli, Thuthukudi and Nellai districts in Tamilnadu. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be 're-developed' to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to grab more land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. Currently the whole settlement - the residents' associations, the govt., the international builders' lobby as well as the civil society in Bombay are engaged in intense debate and complex maneuvering to extract the best possible deal out of this. But the problem is what is best for one economic group can be considered damaging by the other. Dharavi first came to the light in reference to development and real estate in 1975 during emergency. The Govt. made roads and initiated some development measures in terms of electricity, water supply etc. (roads etc.). Next phase happened in '84-'85 under the aegis of Rajiv Gandhi foundation. In a way that was the first large scale rehabilitation programme. In the next phase in '90s the govt. created an autonomous body as SRA (slum rehabilitation authority) to implement various slum rehabilitation scheme along with independent builders. As the scheme came under severe criticism for charges of corruption, inferior construction quality and its piecemeal development policy, the Govt. formed another body called DRP (Dharavi Redevelopment Project) in 2004. Following a proposal (valued at Rs. 93 billion -around USD 2.3 billion) by architect Mukesh Mehta, the Govt. has divided Dharavi in five sectors and announced call for tenders to develop each sector from international builders' agencies. The scheme is that profits from the sale of the high-end developments will fund the resettlement of eligible slum dwellers (those who can prove their residence prior to January 1, 1995 which now has been extended to the year 2000) in free 225 sq. ft. (which now has been increased to 269 sq. ft.) flats in multi-story buildings. Developers are also charged with providing some amenities and infrastructural improvements. Though the Govt. declared the names of 19 short listed bidders in January 2008, the whole scheme came under cloud for lack of transparency and absence of proper research. The whole process is stalled at the moment while some organizations are commissioned to conduct some field research on the existing socio-economic structure of Dharavi. Another reason for the 'go slow' policy of the Govt. could be due to impending general election. Most probably the Govt. and specially the ruling party do not want to risk public controversy at this stage. Following is an interview of a Tamil resident of Dharavi, Mr. Natarajan. Natarajan is a middle level leader of the ruling Congress party and obediently mouths the party line. His disregard regarding the eventual extinction of traditional trades in Dharavi - such as Pottery in Kumbharwada and leather tannery - on the face of development is telling. He could either be just toeing the party position which is known for championing the cause of the builders' lobby or it could be a well be a class issue. Dharavi is a mixed settlement with wage workers, petty traders, artisans, industrial workshops and unorganized sweat shops. For people with jobs outside Dharavi it is only the living quarter and they consider the redevelopment scheme as a boon. While people whose livelihood is related to the unique structure of Dharavi, are resentful to the scheme with the fear that the homogenized urban space design will severely affect their livelihood. The interview was taken in the shop of their family business of electronic goods in the 90 feet road. From the attic of the same shop his brother runs a cable network which plays programme in all South Indian languages.Yes2793http://pad.ma/Vh552ukw/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Dharavi Tamil Community: Redevelopment for a Working Class Manhttp://pad.ma/Vh552ukw/poster.75.jpgDharavi is popularly termed as the largest slum in Asia. Known to be one of the densest and most layered human settlements in the world, the origin of Dharavi can be traced back to early 20th Century, at the height of the industrialization in the region. Dharavi is an area, which was originally located at the northern periphery of Bombay, but with boundaries of this ever-growing city constantly extending on all sides it has come to occupy prime location today. Today, according to official records, Dharavi is marked as an area spread over 223 hectares, where as many as 18,000 people crowd into a single acre. A 1986 survey by the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF) counted 530,225 people (106,045 households) living in 80,518 structures. But considering the large number of 'unofficial/illegal' migration influx, the real number of people living in Dharavi is likely to be much more. Home to approximately one million people, Dharavi populace includes diverse language groups, religious communities and economic units. Most of Dharavi's old residents are from interior Maharashtra, Kutch and Kathiawad region in Gujarat and from Kanyakumari, Thirunelveli, Thuthukudi and Nellai districts in Tamil Nadu. Currently, Dharavi is in the eye of a storm as the prime land that it occupies needs to be 're-developed' to keep in pace with the economic globalization that is sweeping the city. Bombay, the supposed trade capital of India and India, the media acclaimed neo-Asian tiger of the international market, needs to grab more land and the old fashioned settlement of Dharavi must go in order to facilitate that. Currently the whole settlement - the residents' associations, the govt., the international builders' lobby as well as the civil society in Bombay are engaged in intense debate and complex maneuvering to extract the best possible deal out of this. But the problem is what is best for one economic group can be considered damaging by the other. Following a proposal (valued at Rs. 93 billion -around USD 2.3 billion) by architect Mukesh Mehta, the Govt. has divided Dharavi in five sectors and announced call for tenders to develop each sector from international builders' agencies. The scheme is that profits from the sale of the high-end developments will fund the resettlement of eligible slum dwellers (those who can prove their residence prior to January 1, 1995 which now has been extended to the year 2000) in free 225 sq. ft. (which now has been increased to 269 sq. ft.) flats in multi-story buildings. Developers are also charged with providing some amenities and infrastructural improvements. Though the Govt. declared the names of 19 short listed bidders in January 2008, the whole scheme came under cloud for lack of transparency and absence of proper research. The whole process is stalled at the moment while some organizations are commissioned to conduct some field research on the existing socio-economic structure of Dharavi. Another reason for the 'go slow' policy of the Govt. could be due to impending general election. Most probably the Govt. and specially the ruling party do not want to risk public controversy at this stage. Following is an interview of a Tamil resident of Dharavi, Mr. Kanakaraj. He belongs to the Adi Dravidar community, the largest Tamil group in Dharavi. He is one of the main organizers of the Tamil migrants under the broad based caste association. Though he lived all his life in Dharavi he is not very sure of the validity of his claim of residence under the current regime of development. Kanakaraj, in some sense, is a typical case study of the urban poor. His parents migrated to this region to escape caste atrocities and acute poverty in their native place and worked as construction workers. The city of Bombay has provided adequate opportunity for them to get settled in the shanty town of Dharavi and provided basic education for the next generation. After 50 years as the son climbs up the social ladder, the neighbourhood of Dharavi gets marked for development and gentrification. Hence with rest of the city beyond their reach the family is once again under the threat of being displaced.Yes2083http://pad.ma/Vt8dq0b4/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Sajjad Lone Speaking at World Social Forumhttp://pad.ma/Vt8dq0b4/poster.75.jpgThis is an excerpt from WSF 2004. Panel discussion titled "Kashmir: Culture and Identity Formation" chaired by filmmaker Saeed Mirza. Other panelists include Balraj Puri, S. A. R. Geelani, Bhajan Sopori. Sajjad Lone leads Separatist People's Conference Party. He took over in 2002 after his father Abdul Ghani Lone was assassinated in 2002.Yes719http://pad.ma/Vfgkn2eq/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Neighbourhood Video Project: Jogeswari Beauty Clinichttp://pad.ma/Vfgkn2eq/poster.75.jpgThis is part of Majlis' neighbourhood and video literacy project. Under this project a niche group from a neighbourhood is given training in video literacy. After the initial project they are given technical assistance (camera, editing and sound facilities and personnel) to shoot their own surroundings. At the end of the project they become author of a film made on their own lives. This project was conducted with the neo-adult girls from the Muslim settlements in Jogeswari. The workshop was conducted under a local initiative titled Darakht-e- Ilm (tree of knowledge). This initiative started by former journalist Firoze Ashraf, is structured on the principle of earner-learner, where older girls are involved with teaching the younger students and in the process are supported and persuaded to complete graduation and encouraged into skill development. The older girls who are mainly graduate students participated in the workshop. Though the video was shot in the location of their neighbourhood the training took place in Majlis office, far away from their homes. The exercise of traveling to a cosmopolitan area for training in something like video making was by itself an emancipating process for them. By the end of the two weeks workshop the girls were divided into two groups to shoot two different narratives on their lives. One group chose the subject of women run beauty parlours in the vicinity as role models for economic independence. The other group covered various livelihood choices available to them in order to emancipate other girls. The project then was named 'Yahan se Wahan tak' (From here to there) as a measure of their consistent yet small progress. At the end of it the two films were screened in the neighbourhood in front of the local people and some invited guests. When the credit with the girls' names as directors rolled the all encompassing ecstasy was overwhelming. Another aim of the video literacy project is to initiate non-hegemonic image productions produced by the protagonists themselves. Towards this end the project is planned as a part of the Godaam digital media archive. Other than this we have also conducted similar projects with the youngsters of the closed textile mills area (Rojgar hakk samiti) and the inhabitants of the fisherfolks village in Versova. Footage initiated by those projects are also available in PAD.MA. Follwing is an interview with Aziza Hussain. Both the interviewers and the interviewee are new in front of the camera. But they are exposed to and influenced by the 'sound bite' culture on television. Thus the process initially suffered by the lifeless imitation of TV interviews, till the energy of the place and the situation warmed it up.Yes1998http://pad.ma/Vu0hlr0d/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Roadside Shrines: Christmas Crib in Contemporary Bombayhttp://pad.ma/Vu0hlr0d/poster.75.jpgIndian Christianity owes its genesis to many sources - St. Thomas, the disciple of Christ in 1st century AD and later other preachers from several other denominations from middle East and Central Asia; Portuguese, Dutch, French and British colonials since 15th century; missionaries from Europe and more recently from the US and so on. The spread of the religion has spanned through many regions, classes and sources and also varied motivations, resulting in many versions of religious practices. Thus the local Christian practices in many parts of India are more organic than monolithic. In Bombay, the spread of Christianity started with the Portuguese. One of the main communities to become Christian was the Marathi speaking agriculture and salt pan based inhabitants of the Solset Island and the Vasai sea coast. This community later called East Indians. The East Indians in Bombay observe Christianity with rituals and forms of their earlier practices as well as classical Christian rituals. In grottos and cribs, sometimes even in the Church architecture and decors this mixed culture is visible. Christmas cribs are popularly known as tableaux of nativity (story of birth) of Jesus. In the year 1220 St. Francis of Assissi visited Bethlehem and witnessed the participatory way Christmas was celebrated there through these tableaux which recreated the birth of Jesus. He brought the ritual to Europe and then it spread all over the world. Though the cribs are religious, they are not essentially institutional. Any devotee can create a crib either in their houses or in public places or in the church premise. Setting up the manger figures is a favorite family activity. Christmas cribs have become more part of the festivity than religion. In that sense it has become part of the local popular cultures. As a result, often the cribs demonstrate local flavours and sentiments instead of the linear story of nativity in the Bible. Making cribs in public places have also become a popular social activity for the neighbourhood youngsters. This event is documentation of a few cribs in the Juhu neighbourhood.Yes1505http://pad.ma/Vu1bs970/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Stefan Etegan, Consumer rights activist.http://pad.ma/Vu1bs970/poster.75.jpgThis is new. It could be a short blurb of what the film human question was about and a short one-line context of the footage in question.Yes1200http://pad.ma/Vgok2z1f/info2009-02-09weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Stefan Etegan, consumer rights activist.http://pad.ma/Vgok2z1f/poster.75.jpgYes134http://pad.ma/Vfsn6pnx/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Stefan Etegan, Consumer rights activist.http://pad.ma/Vfsn6pnx/poster.75.jpgInterview with Stefan Etegan, Consumer Rights ActivistYes1200http://pad.ma/Vfwtku3c/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Koli Women: Livelihood Practice 1http://pad.ma/Vfwtku3c/poster.75.jpgThis event, along with others under the category of Koli in the same site, depicts the day cycle in the life of a fisher woman in Versova fishing village. The event starts at around 11'0 clock in the morning at the Versova beach. The fishermen come back after the whole night trip into the deep sea. The casual workers store the catch in baskets and carry them to the market which is in the close proximity. The women take over from this point and run the trading starting around 3pm. Versova is a wholesale market and mainly people from retailers' markets and big hotels and restaurants make their purchases here. The trading of fish in Mumbai is traditionally a women's field. The Koli women are a distinct feature of Mumbai. Before the small islands were joined together to make a big city this region was full of salt pans and fishing hamlets. The fisherfolks are called Koli community. In the community tradition Koli men go to the deep sea to catch fish. While the women run the entire marketing section. Marketing involves wholesale market, retailers' market and door to door vending. Some women are connected with fishing boats and some others buy fish in the wholesale market and sell in the retailers' market. In the process Koli women often dominate the public space of the city with their impressive gait, professional confidence, 9 yards sarees and antic jewelry and stinking merchandise. They can be seen in the local trains, taxis and 3-wheeler auto rickshaws and in the pedestrian by-lanes making brisk business. Mumbai's fish markets - almost 800 of them - is another special feature. These markets are mostly ran by Koli women. They are the licensees of the Municipal Corporation and the licenses are inherited along the women's line - mother-in-law to daughter-in-law to grand daughter-in-law. But currently the spree of development and gentrification in the city the Koli community and their livelihood have come under serious threat. The fishing is affected seriously as hi-tech trawlers owned by corporations are killing the business for the small and traditional boat owners. Moreover, the construction projects around and over the sea (buildings, bridges and chemical spewing establishments) have driven the marine lives further away from the coast. On the other hand, the fish markets, once considered as an important characteristic of the city are under threat of extinction. In the real estate development policy the single story markets on prime land are considered as colossal waste of property. In the name of public health and development there has been a scheme to demolish some of the markets. The third angle is entry of migrant workers from other parts of the country into the fishing trade. Many migrants from the Uttar Pradesh, popularly called as Bhaiyyas, these days are either working for the fishing boats or vending fish at door steps. The traditional base of Koli community is threatened by the vitality and enterprise of these migrant male workers. The right wing political parties Shivsena and Maharashtra Mahanirvan Sena (MNS) have taken this opportunity to turn the issue into a communal clash. In recent years there have been many violent incidences around the conflict between kolis and migrant workers in fish market. While actually the issue is that of an organized sector (the Kolis) and unorganized labour force (migrant workers). Unfortunately the labour movement or feminist movement never paid much attention to this issue, resulting it to fester into a communal clash. This event is part of a series to document the Koli community in that context.Yes2088http://pad.ma/Vdxdomo9/info2009-12-28weekly1.0Koli Women: Livelihood Practice 2http://pad.ma/Vdxdomo9/poster.75.jpgThis event, along with others under the other event titled Koli Women: Livelihood Practice 1 on the same site, depicts the day cycle in the life of a fisher woman in Versova fishing village. This event starts at 4 at dawn and ends around noon time. The other event starts at 3.30 in the afternoon and ends at around 9 in the evening. This is the schedule of an average Koli woman's work in the public place. The schedule gets further burdened by domestic chores. The trading of fish in Mumbai is traditionally a women's field. The Koli women are a distinct feature of Mumbai. Before the small islands were joined together to make a big city this region was full of salt pans and fishing hamlets. The fisherfolks are called Koli community. In the community tradition Koli men go to the deep sea to catch fish. While the women run the entire marketing section. Marketing involves wholesale market, retailers' market and door to door vending. Some women are connected with fishing boats and some others buy fish in the wholesale market and sell in the retailers' market. In the process Koli women often dominate the public space of the city with their impressive gait, professional confidence, 9 yards sarees and antique jewelry and stinking merchandise. They can be seen in the local trains, taxis and 3-wheeler auto rickshaws and in the pedestrian by-lanes making brisk business. The wholesale fish markets in the city are strewn around the sea shore. Most famous among them are Crawford market, Bhaucha Dhakka jetty, Sasoon dock, Versova market etc. The sea shores are also traditionally lined by fisher folks' villages - in Colaba, Worli, Mahim, Juhu, Versova, Gorai, Manori, Marve etc. There are also supposed to be 800 authorised retailers' fish markets in the city other than a hordes of unauthorized independent vendors. Fish markets in Bombay, much like any other coastal settlement, is the spine of its culinary culture. The fisherman community, the Koli community, too is very distinct in their appearance, culture and social practices. Their dress code, language, cuisine, body structure, rituals - all are distinct and more or less well preserved. They are an integral part of the city and yet the urbanization has not affected their racial characteristics. They survived through the port making, city making, colonization, urbanization and industrialization. But for last one decade their survival has been threatened. The current phase of development under the philosophy of globalization has permeated into their lives too. The entry of multi-national corporation and export house into the sea food business, the constructions around and on the sea, the pressure from the real estate lobby on the fish markets in prime lands, public campaigns by the fanatic vegetarian lobby and influx of cheap labour in the form of migrant workers, making the noose of development tight on their necks. Unfortunately the labour movement has never considered the Kolis as a sector under their aegis. Neither the women's movement regarded this convention of all women fish markets as a women's rights issue. As a result the right wing politicians have come in to mobilize the distraught Koli community within the regressive identity politics. In this context we are documenting a series of events around the Koli community and specially the Koli women.Yes2586http://pad.ma/Ve2iazzw/info2009-03-17weekly1.0Arrivals & Departures: Baha'i Sect in Bombayhttp://pad.ma/Ve2iazzw/poster.75.jpgInterviewer: Madhusree Dutta. Shot by Avijit Mukul; Kishore This interview is part of a series of study on the cemeteries of different communities in Bombay. In order to trace the multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious composition of the city the history, anecdotes, locations and class structures of cemeteries were studied. This cemetery is known as the cemetery for the Baha'i faith. Baha'i is a modern and syncretic faith founded by Baha'u'llah, a nobleman in Tehran, in mid 19th century. There are approximately five million Baha'i believers in the world. Among them around two million Baha'i -s live in the Indian sub-continent. An offshoot of reformist the Babi movement which spread throughout Iran and Iraq in the mid-nineteenth century, the Baha'i Faith has slowly moved beyond the Shi`ite Islam and established itself as a new and independent religion. The movement's founder, Mirza Husayn 'Ali of Nur, Baha'u'llah (1817-1892), is considered to be a messenger of God - equal in station to, among others, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad, Buddha and Krishna. He was exiled from Iran and lived in Baghdad, Istanbul (Constantinople), Edirne (Adrianople), and, finally, the prison city of Acre (Akka or now Akko) located in the bay near Haifa in what was then Ottoman Syria and is now Israel. After Baha'u'llah's death his eldest son, Abbas Effendi, Abdu'l-Baha (1844-1921), visited both Europe and North America to spread the religion. Two members of the Afnan clan who were resident in Bombay, Haji Sayyid Mirza and Sayyid Muhammad, became Baha'is in the 1860s. In 1872, Sulayman Khan Tunukabani (known as Jamal Effendi), who was both a Sufi and a learned scholar of Arabic and Persian, was sent by Baha'u'llah to Bombay. Thus started the organized missionary activity of the Baha'i faith in the subcontinent. The two Baha'i cemeteries that we document in this event are located in Antop hill in Bombay. Antop hill area is dotted by cemeteries of various communities - Chinese, European, Armenian, Prarthana Samaj etc. It is likely that in colonial period of early 19th century, this area, away from the European head quarters in Fort and beyond the native bazaars and living quarters, was leased out by the British administration for burial grounds for various communities. Now the area has come to be in the heart of the busy and populated city. This causes various social conflicts. The local population resents the wide open space reserved for the dead. There has been encroachment, theft of property and vandalism. Many of these cemeteries are also owned by communities who are miniscule and politically unimportant and thus cannot protect their boundaries. The second Baha'i cemetery is located in the same compound with an Armenian cemetery. The presence of Armenians in India is very old. It is believed that some Armenians came to India in 325 BC with the forces of Alexander the Great. Since 7th century Armenian settlements can be traced in the Malabar Coast and other parts of Kerala. Mainly a traders' community they flourished in the port cities of Calcutta, Bombay, Surat, Madras, Karachi and Dhaka. These cities still have landmarks of Armenian churches and Armenian cemeteries. But the population started dwindling since the independence of India as overseas trading became more regulated and corporatised. The cemeteries in question was an Armenian cemetery but in late 20th century the community found it very difficult to maintain it. They offered space to the growing Baha'i community in exchange of the service to maintain the plot and the graves. It is quite a heartening story. The Armenians practice a school of Christianity and come from the trans-continental region between Western Asia and Eastern Europe while the Baha'i-s are an off shoot of Shi'ite Islam in Iran. As the contemporary world politics dub these two religions as warring communities such instance of friendship and cooperation in a far away land stands apart.Yes2242http://pad.ma/Vt8jf0hf/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Interview with Saeed Akhtar Mirza: Crisis of Ideology 1http://pad.ma/Vt8jf0hf/poster.75.jpgThis interview is part of Majlis' attempt to document the some of the voices of the people in Bombay whose visions and works have stood apart due to their integrity and creative thinking. Saeed Akhtar Mirza is known to the world as a distinguished filmmaker. His films Alberto Pinto ko Gussa Kyun Ata Hai (Why Alberto Pinto get angry), Arvind Desai ka Ajeeb Dastan (Strange Saga of Arvind Desai) in the late '70s laid the foundation stone for the new wave cinema in India. Later he made several other films and television programme depicting a completely different reality of the city of Bombay, than shown in the popular culture of Bollywood. Salim Langde pe Mat Ro (Don't cry over Salim, the lame), Mohan Joshi Hazir ho (Mohan Joshi, appear in the court), Naseem are his feature films in the genre of city cinema. In those three films Saeed unveiled the layers of criminality, real estate menace and the functioning of the identity politics in the city of Bombay. Much before Bombay crimes became a media commodity Saeed ventured to make those films. Yet he has always been considered as the 'alternative' filmmaker, a term which is used with a kind of patronizing respect. He had also directed several television programme and documentaries. Whatever he did his Marxist conviction was the mainstay of his form and text. As Bombay cinema entered into the international market in the name of Bollywood, by killing all other conventions of cinema in India and in the neighbouring countries, filmmakers like Saeed Mirza became obsolete. Many of his colleagues and comrades have tried to keep floating by adopting to the hegemonic convention of Bollywood, but Saeed refused to do that. It could be interpreted as an instance of uncompromising conviction or, in the worst term as an inability to cope with time. This interview was conducted mainly around a television programme 'Tryst with the people of India', directed by Saeed. The programme was produced by the Govt. of India as part of the celebration of 50 years of India's independence. For this programme Saeed and his crew traveled the entire length and breadth of the country to know what the 50 years of democracy meant for the ordinary citizens. Saeed has donated the entire footage of the programme to Godaam, the footage archive ran by Majlis. A part of that collection in also available on PADMA site. The title 'Tryst with the people of India' is a take on the famous speech by the first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, on the eve of independence. The speech is known as 'Tryst with destiny'. As the first generation in the independent India, people like Saeed have witnessed the euphoria of a new nation and the subsequent collapse of the democratic principles. In the era of aggressive global market it has become an urgent task to document the thinking of Saeed Akhtar Mirza. It is interesting that at this stage Saeed proclaims that he has lost faith in cinema as a social interventionist. In his opinion the post colonial literature can be far more dynamic. He has himself got engaged with writing. His first book titled 'Ammi: a letter to a democratic mother' has just been published by Westland Books. This title too has a resonance of 'Discovery of India: Letters to a daughter' written by Nehru from the prison in 1942-46. The recipient of those letters, Indira Gandhi, later became the first fascist ruler of India. As the titles, as well as the texts, of all his works suggest the issues of nation-state engage Saeed very deeply. Interviewer of this piece is Tilottama Karlekar. Tilottama is doing her Phd on social and political realities of Indian documentaries at NYU.Yes1803http://pad.ma/Vfrz16gd/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Interview with Saeed Akhtar Mirza: Crisis of Ideology 2http://pad.ma/Vfrz16gd/poster.75.jpgThis interview is part of Majlis' attempt to document the some of the voices of the people in Bombay whose visions and works have stood apart due to their integrity and creative thinking. Saeed Akhtar Mirza is known to the world as a distinguished filmmaker. His films Alberto Pinto ko Gussa Kyun Ata Hai (Why Alberto Pinto get angry), Arvind Desai ka Ajeeb Dastan (Strange Saga of Arvind Desai) in the late '70s laid the foundation stone for the new wave cinema in India. Later he made several other films and television programme depicting a completely different reality of the city of Bombay, than shown in the popular culture of Bollywood. Salim Langde pe Mat Ro (Don't cry over Salim, the lame), Mohan Joshi Hazir ho (Mohan Joshi, appear in the court), Naseem are his feature films in the genre of city cinema. In those three films Saeed unveiled the layers of criminality, real estate menace and the functioning of the identity politics in the city of Bombay. Much before Bombay crimes became a media commodity Saeed ventured to make those films. Yet he has always been considered as the 'alternative' filmmaker, a term which is used with a kind of patronizing respect. He had also directed several television programme and documentaries. Whatever he did his Marxist conviction was the mainstay of his form and text. As Bombay cinema entered into the international market in the name of Bollywood, by killing all other conventions of cinema in India and in the neighbouring countries, filmmakers like Saeed Mirza became obsolete. Many of his colleagues and comrades have tried to keep floating by adopting to the hegemonic convention of Bollywood, butSaeed refused to do that. It could be interpreted as an instance of uncompromising conviction or, in the worst term as an inability to cope with time. This interview was conducted mainly around a television programme 'Tryst with the people of India', directed by Saeed. The programme was produced by the Govt. of India as part of the celebration of 50 years of India's independence. For this programme Saeed and his crew traveled the entire length and breadth of the country to know what the 50 years of democracy meant for the ordinary citizens. Saeed has donated the entire footage of the programme to Godaam, the footage archive ran by Majlis. A part of that collection in also available on PADMA site. The title 'Tryst with the people of India' is a take on the famous speech by the first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, on the eve of independence. The speech is known as 'Tryst with destiny'. As the first generation in the independent India, people like Saeed have witnessed the euphoria of a new nation and the subsequent collapse of the democratic principles. In the era of aggressive global market it has become an urgent task to document the thinking of Saeed Akhtar Mirza. It is interesting that at this stage Saeed proclaims that he has lost faith in cinema as a social interventionist. In his opinion the post colonial literature can be far more dynamic. He has himself got engaged with writing. His first book titled 'Ammi: a letter to a democratic mother' has just been published by Westland Books. This title too has a resonance of 'Discovery of India: Letters to a daughter' written by Nehru from the prison in 1942-46. The recipient of those letters, Indira Gandhi, later became the first fascist ruler of India. As the titles, as well as the texts, of all his works suggest the issues of nation-state engage Saeed very deeply.Yes1393http://pad.ma/Vhavpudr/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Koli: The Jains, the Bhaiyas and the Livelihoodhttp://pad.ma/Vhavpudr/poster.75.jpgKolis are the fisherfolks of Bombay, the original inhabitants of the islands that constituted the city. The community has largely kept to their original vocation of fishing. The women in Koli community are very distinct and visible even in the contemporary cityscape. Traditional Koli women with their large body structure, draped in traditional 9-yard sarees and antic jewelry are confident, professional women. The work distribution in the Koli community is like this: men are incharge of fishing which include ferrying to the deep sea, making fishing nets and looking after the boats. Women handle the entire marketing network - preserving the fish, selling in wholesale market, purchasing in wholesale market and selling in the retail market, handling issues of licenses and permits etc. The license and permit to sell fish in the market are considered family property and goes down along the women's line - mother-in-law to daughter-in-law to grand daughter-in-law. The Koli community claims that there are 800 fish markets in the city. Though we are not sure of the number, it is undisputable that the fish markets are a symbol of culinary culture of the coastal city. They are most patronized by the Marathi community. The repertoire between the fisher women and the male customers is a major social interaction which goes far beyond simple shopping. But oflate the demography of the city has changed radically, as has the cityscape. With the rise of the service industry and consumers' market, the prime areas in the city are getting invaded by the upper class Gujarati Hindu and Jain communities who are fanatic vegetarian. Elphinston and neighbouring Lower Parel are some such areas. There was once the mighty textile industry situated in this area. But the industry died slowly since '80s. Since late '90s the industrial land is being leased out for luxurious apartments and service industries. As a result the upper class people are moving into their skyscrapers situated next to a lower middle class settlement or a fish market. As the gentrification of the area gets accomplished the old fashioned living quarters and their neighbourhood fish markets become the bone of contention. The vegetarian gentry find the smell of the fish objectionable and exert influence to evict the markets. Elphinston fish market is one such controversial one. Though the political parties such as Shivsena and Maharashtra mahanirvan sena, who pride themselves as a champion of Marathi supremacy in Mumbai, have deliberately kept quiet on this issue. The obvious reason is the muscle and money power of the rich Gujarati community. Instead the chauvinist parties distracted the anger of the Koli community towards the Bhaiyas, the migrant wage workers who got into vending fish door-to-door. Bhaiya is generic term to indicate all Hindi speaking male migrants. Some of them got into a trade of buying fish from the wholesale market and sell them as door-to-door vendors. This practice has, to some extent, affected the retail business as some customers preferred to get delivery at home than visiting the market. Moreover, the fish in the market work out to be little more expensive than what is offered by the vendors. The Koli women pay for their license, permit and infrastructure whereas the Bhaiya vendors sell directly to the customers. This is a classical case of a conflict of interest between the organised sectors and unorganized wagers. But due to political maneuvering the Koli community is up in terms against the Bhaiyas and fail to rise against the mighty vegetarian gentries.Yes633http://pad.ma/Vhrf7jbu/info2009-06-15weekly1.0Neighbourhood Video Project: Freelance Beauticianhttp://pad.ma/Vhrf7jbu/poster.75.jpgThis is part of Majlis' neighbourhood and video literacy project. Under this project a niche group from a neighbourhood is given training in video literacy. After the initial project they are given technical assistance (camera, editing and sound facilities and personnel) to shoot their own surroundings. At the end of the project they become auteur of a film made on their own lives. This project was conducted with the neo-adult girls from the Muslim settlements in Jogeswari. The workshop was conducted under a local initiative titled Darakht-e- Ilm (tree of knowledge). This initiative started by former journalist Firoze Ashraf, is structured on the principle of earner-learner, where older girls are involved with teaching the younger students and in the process are supported and persuaded to complete graduation and encouraged into skill development. The older girls who are mainly graduate students participated in the workshop. Though the video was shot in the location of their neighbourhood the training took place in Majlis office, far away from their homes. The exercise of traveling to a cosmopolitan area for training in something like video making was by itself an emancipating process for them. By the end of the two weeks workshop the girls were divided into two groups to shoot two different narratives on their lives. One group chose the subject of women run beauty parlours in the vicinity as role models for economic independence. The other group covered various livelihood choices available to them in order to emancipate other girls. The project then was named 'Yahan se Wahan tak' (From here to there) as a measure of their consistent yet small progress. At the end of it the two films were screened in the neighbourhood in front of the local people and some invited guests. When the credit with the girls' names as directors rolled the all encompassing ecstasy was overwhelming. Another aim of the video literacy project is to initiate non-hegemonic image productions produced by the protagonists themselves. Towards this end the project is planned as a part of the Godaam digital media archive. Other than this we have also conducted similar projects with the youngsters of the closed textile mills area (Rojgar hakk samiti) and the inhabitants of the fisherfolks village in Versova. Footage initiated by those projects are also available in PAD.MA. Following is an interview with Ruksana Khan, a small time beautician in the area. One of the groups wanted to portray women with independent economic status in their film. After much deliberation they decided on the profession of beautician. Though their conservative society is fundamentally against women working outside the house, over the years the profession of beautician has got accepted as a women's vocation. The wide spread culture of beauty treatment and cosmetic industry must have permeated into the conservative fort. Besides, women's earning has become an absolute necessity for some families. So working exclusively as beautician for women has somewhat become an accepted norm and not considered as a serious threat to the prevailing patriarchy. But still a section of the society considers hair as a symbol of carnal desire and thus hair cutting remains a serious taboo.Yes1023http://pad.ma/Vt393ifb/info2009-06-12weekly1.0Bar Dancers Case: Talk Show in Hindihttp://pad.ma/Vt393ifb/poster.75.jpgThis is a Hindi talk show "Humlog" on NDTV on the controversy of proposed ban on the dance bar in Mumbai. This footage was given to Majlis by a member of the bar owners' association. Obviously it was shot off the TV screen on a handycam. Hence the image and audio quality is not very sharp and at many places the audio is lost. Still we think it is an important document as the programme was in Hindi and included politicians of the ruling Congress party and the right wing opposition party Shivsena. Though in other events in PADMA we have elaborately presentated the voices of the bar dancers and their movement, this event covers the agenda of the ruling party and their associates. Mumbai is one of those cities where dance bars have been thriving and have met no open or big opposition till 2004. To the commoners' eyes, they are invisible, yet they are starkly a part of the Mumbai folklore. Dancing to the beat of popular Hindi numbers and entertaining a male audience of a diverse age group, these girls and women earn their livelihood. Dancing at beer bars started in Maharashtra in the '70s. They were recognizable by the heavy door at the entrance and by the uniformed bouncers. In order to increase the revenue from alcohol sale the govt. kept issuing licenses for the dance bars and over the three decades these bars sprouted all over the state and specially in Bombay. In 2005 the Govt. proposed a bill to ban dancing at the bars on the pretext of public morality. But by then around 75,000 women were employed in the unorganized sector of bar dancing. Most of these women were migrants from the other parts of the state, country and the subcontinent. The bars though have been part of the cityscape for a long time, always maintained a low profile in terms of social visibility. It seems invisibility was a kind of shield for them. So, the silent existence of these bars was thrown into turmoil when a ban was proposed. It got implemented on August 15, 2005, ironically (or maybe not) on India's Independence Day. But this programme was made soon after the Govt. proposed a bill to ban the bars. Hence in this programme the panel is still discussing the legal, moral and constitutional validity of such a proposal. The Govt. proposal sparked a huge public debate on the issues of morality, sexuality and livelihood. The home minister in the state govt. R R Patil took it as a mission and persuaded it till the end. The civil society got vertically divided on the issue. While all the right wing outfits supported the ban, some old school women's organizations too were vocal against bar dancing based on the argument of commodifying women's body. Some feminist groups and other social movements campaigned against the ban foregrounding issues of right to livelihood, validity of sex based works and against moral policing. As the campaign progressed other issues and agenda - such as migration and regional chauvinism; nexus between police, politician and crime world; hypocrisy of public morality; interpretation of women's rights and dignity etc. became part of the debate. In some sense the issue mirrored the contradictions of contemporary urban life. Eventually the ban was passed in the assembly with hundred percent support - the centreist ruling parties Congress and NCP, the chauvinist parties BJP and Shivsena, the left parties CPI and CPM and the socialists parties - all unconditionally supported the ban. The cross section of the political parties who are fundamentally against each other, came together in unison on the issue of sexual morality. The main speakers: Madhukar Sarpotdar, MP and leader of Shivsena (he was proved guilty of rioting and carrying illegal fire arms during '92-'93 riots in Bombay even by the partisan Mumbai police and judiciary); Javed Akhtar, Lyricist and script writer in Bombay film industry; Mr. Kulkarni, Cngress leader; M N Singh, former police commissioner; Vidya Chauhan, a member of NCP party (she has spearheaded many cleansing operation in the city, a former socialist activist she is a morality fanatic); Manjit Singh, President of Bar Owners' Association (later he was persecuted, harassed and jailed many times by the state as the Home Minister R R Patil took it as a vendetta to teach him a lesson for challenging the moral authority of the state), Bar dancers. The Anchor Pankaj Pachori is very impressive with his clarity of thought and skill of persuation.Yes2220http://pad.ma/Vdxzq6tl/info2009-06-13weekly1.0Kashmir: Interview with Pather Artist Ghulam Ali Majboorhttp://pad.ma/Vdxzq6tl/poster.75.jpgKashmir, the conflict torn land at the border between Pakistan and India have been at the centre of various power wars between states, between peoples, between religious fundamentalists and between conflicting representations. The main casualty of this decades old wars is the syncretic culture of Kashmir. For the rest of India, and most probably for the rest of Pakistan too, the people of Kashmir is only to be seen and then imagined through various and contradictory representations. In order to counter this we have tried to create a small reservoir of non-hegemonic images from Kashmir in our digital media archive Godaam. Unedited footage from documentary films, published and unpublished photos from newspaper offices, images from the local photo studios, works of contemporary artists, people's private memoirs and image collections etc are part of the collection. This event is part of that collection. The interview is of an artist of Bhand Pather, the celebrated and one of the oldest folk theatre forms in the subcontinent. "Understanding why the survival of Kashmir's folk theatre is imperative requires an engagement with its history. Performers of the Bhand Pather, who are often also custodians of classical Sufiana music, date the origins of their traditions to the 8th century AD. From this time to the 15th century AD, Kashmir saw a dramatic development of its performing arts traditions. "Each village had a stage of its own where dramatic performances were held". These traditions were consolidated and expanded with the coming of Muslim rule in 1339. In fact, the courts attracted musicians and dancers from as far as Kabul, Lahore, Delhi, Samarkand, Tashkent and Persia. Bhand Pather emerged from the high traditions of these courts, but took a unique course. Each Pather typically had two layers of narrative meaning. The first was expressly secular, using farce and satire to assault the powerful. Typically, the character of the peasant would be pitted against the feudal elite. In the Dard Pather, for example, the peasant characters contrive to seduce the wives of the oppressive ruler, who is drunk on liquor. Each performance would have explicit contemporary significance, with Maskare (clowns) irreverently exposing the pretensions of policemen and patwaris; priests and politicians. One performance of the Haanz Pather contained references to politicians who built roads that led only to each others homes. The Maskare in a rendition of the Dard Pather, might joke about a village mullah who tries to loot pilgrims wishing to go to Mecca by building a fake Kaaba in his backyard. At a larger level, the Pathers dealt with mystical themes: the relationship between individuals and their Pirs, and between human beings and god. Each Pather begins with a prayer for the well being of the community and its crops, and village tradition has it that divine blessings asked for by a Bhand are never refused. "Rich families from as far away as Lahore, Delhi, Rawalpindi and Kabul used to invite us to perform at weddings during the winter", recalls Ghulam Hassan Bhagat, "and in the summer, villagers used to give us a share of the crop for performing at fairs, and on holy days at Sufi Ziarats and Dargahs". Before India,s Independence, Bhand theatres had managed to make a living from cash patronage from the court elite, and support from the rural community. After independence, this network of patronage vanished. "People who received land through Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's reforms", he says, "began to think of us as beggars". "They were in search of social respectability, and some of the more coarse kinds of humour which had entered Bhand Pather during the period of Dogra rule led many to disassociate themselves from what they thought was a vulgar form". Akingam's small Bhagat community illustrates the crisis in the traditions of Kashmiri folk theatre. Like other communities of Bhands, the Akingam Bhagats are desperately poor. Unlike other social groupings in Kashmir, they did not benefit from post - Independence land reform, and historically depended for their survival on patronage for their art. Low in the caste hierarchy of rural Kashmir, most young people in the community have been forced into no - future jobs like peddling pots and pans to make up for the death of income from performing. "People look down on us", says Ghulam Rasool Bhagat, one of the leading figures in Akingam's famous Bhagat Theatre, and son of one of Bhand Pather's best known exponents, Mohammad Subhan Bhagat (see event titles 'Bhand Pather Artists Subhan Bhagat and Mahjoor Bhagat' in this site). "Younger people are very conscious of the fact that others will not give their daughters to us in marriage because we are performers, and more and more look to government jobs in the cities as a way to escape from their roots". Folk theatre survived these new times, but only just. Minimal state support came in the early 1950s. in the form of a monthly grant of Rs. 50 (1$) per person, which was revised to Rs. 200 (4$) a decade later. The Jammu and Kashmir Cultural Academy continues to give annual grants of Rs. 9,500 (200$) for musical instruments and costumes". Pankaj RishikumarYes2063http://pad.ma/Vh6f3prp/info2009-01-26weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Stefan Etegan, Consumer Activist.http://pad.ma/Vh6f3prp/poster.75.jpgYes1188http://pad.ma/Vuh763bj/info2009-01-30weekly1.0Now Talking TV: Cable wars, local content and service providers. Suroor TVhttp://pad.ma/Vuh763bj/poster.75.jpgA candid conversation with Kashif Haq and D. H. Lokesh. Kashif is a young entrepreneur who had tried to run an Urdu language channel out of his family house in Cox town. A discussion of Suroor TV's twists and trials in going on air, its popularity amongst the large Urdu and Deccani speaking population of Shivaji Nagar, and its ultimate removal from the air waves by MSOs (Multi-Service Operators) after about six months, formed the basis of a no-holds-barred talk show on local media politics and monopolies. In it, Lokesh also makes reference to the issues faced by small cable operators because of MSO monopolies and rampant suppression tactics. The conversation concludes on a note of hope for Suroor, as Kashif talks about making it a satellite channel by the use of DTH technology.Yes2818http://pad.ma/Vfc3nh5d/info2009-02-06weekly1.0CCTV Social: Day I Session II. 2pmhttp://pad.ma/Vfc3nh5d/poster.75.jpgFor CCTV Social, artist Shaina Anand collaborated with Manchester Metropolitan University and Arndale Shopping Centre to open working CCTV environments to a general audience. People normally 'enclosed' by these networks came into the control rooms to view, observe and monitor this condition, endemic in the UK. About thirty people signed up for one-hour sessions in the MMU security center to engage with the CCTV operators and monitor surveillance procedures. These sessions became somewhat like a diagnostic clinic, where we discussed symptoms, anxieties and inoculations about our 'public health', under surveillance. These therapy sessions seemed to work both ways, for the participants as well as the security officers. This is footage of Sarah and Gwen's interaction with Joe a surveillance officer at Manchester metropolitan University. The footage offers some interesting insights about profiling, paranoia and the assumed neutrality of electronic surveillance. We see Joe relentlessly 'following' a certain man throughout the footage. His reason for doing it was that the man in question was not 'nice'. We also find out that Sarah had also been a victim of street crime , her account of the incident and the way the authorities dealt with it brings up issues of the actual 'effectiveness' of CCTV, the myth of security and police response time to crime. This is footage also includes footage of Mathew and Rachel's conversation with Joe and Steve. They talk about the legalities involved in the use of 'dummy' CCTV cameras. They also discuss the emergence of a new trend in electronic surveillance: Talking CCTV. Joe defends the 'interestingness' of CCTV footage when Mathew suggests that he would probably 'doze off' with boredom if he had a similar job.Yes1017http://pad.ma/Vh6gtajl/info2009-02-08weekly1.0Gharwalis and Pimps: Zinda Laash, representations of sex workers in Bollywoodhttp://pad.ma/Vh6gtajl/poster.75.jpgBollywood has indeed traversed an entire range of characterizations when it comes to depictions of gharwalis and pimps, as it has in the depiction of sex workers themselves. The clips here show some of that diversity. One can see a difference between the older films like Amar Prem and the newer films like Julie and Chameli. There is a divide on rural (Market) and urban (Chameli, Julie) characterizations.Two interesting cases are Sadak where the pimp is transgender and Umrao Jaan, where the brothel madam is not really a gharwali or a pimp, but definitely a more refined Urdu speaking, classical character - as the film itself is a historical. Mandi can be classified as art or middle cinema. This collection of clips shows that women in prostitution have been a popular concern with film makers across all Bollywood genres (commercial, art house, historical, B-grade). One common thread is definitely that in most of these films the women are shown entering prostitution through deceit, with the gharwalis (whether good or evil) in compliance with the deception. Julie is a notable exception where she enters the profession as a personal choice.With the exception of Sadak and Chameli, all female patrons of the brothels are referred too as Aunty and the brothel itself is often seen as a place where helpless women live together to serve the economic interests of the matriarch. Mostly, these gharwalis are also not entirely black or white characters, they are seen as both kind and manipulative in their dealings with the sex workers. In contrast most of the women entering prostitution as portrayed as innocent, creating a duality of the good/bad woman in the representations of the sex worker and the gharwali. Except in Mandi, there has been little effort to see these brothels as independent economic units, run on matriarchal codes, where the birth of a girl is more welcome than that of a boy.Yes679http://pad.ma/Veekr5hy/info2009-01-29weekly1.0Clients: Zinda Laash, Representation of Sex Workers in Bollywood.http://pad.ma/Veekr5hy/poster.75.jpgClients in Bollywood films representing women in prostitution are often both caricatures (Market) or leading men of the film (Baaghi, Sadak), who go on to fall in love with a prostitute. What is interesting here, is a reversal of sexual politics. Usually in a hero-heroine scenario of the commercial Bollywood film, it is the hero who makes the first move and has the upper hand in the entire process of romance. Here, the women are obviously more experienced sexually; they are outspoken, make lewd jokes, and use a more impersonal way of addressing and talking. What is also observed is exhibition of the women, as they are all made to stand in a line as soon as the clients come and choice of sexual partner still lies with the male. A notable exception is Amar Prem, where the interaction is between a sex worker and her maalak (lover), and it is here that we see shades of jealousy, possession and violence.Yes602http://pad.ma/Vdxht2sy/info2009-02-08weekly1.0Marriage and Love; Zinda Laash: Representation of Sex Workers in Bollywood.http://pad.ma/Vdxht2sy/poster.75.jpgMarriage between a woman in prostitution and the lead hero of the film is not entirely unknown in Bollywood cinema. However, its depiction is rather problematic, as marriage is always seen as a solution or an escape to a better, more respectable life. Since women in prostitution are rarely ever shown to enter the profession by choice, and they are always coerced or deceived into it, marriage is presented as the sole avenue of escape. This sort of an association is so stigma ridden that the hero and the prostitute have to overcome almost impossible circumstances, as seen in Sadak and Pakeezah. Also, though prostitutes in Hindi film aspire for marriage, they always see it as a romanticized ideal and wallow in self pity about how they can never enter 'respectable' society. However, constant reiteration of this also creates a certain sympathy or maybe in some cases identification between the plight of the prostitute and the viewer. Bollywood cinema does therefore succeed in highlighting the marginalization of prostitutes by society. In two of the most recent films (Laaga Chunari Main Daag, Jhoom Barabar Jhoom) there seems to be a complete rejection of the earlier tragedies that must ultimately meet the prostitute.Yes652http://pad.ma/Vumjev8w/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Police: Zinda Laash, Representation of Sex Workers in Bollywood.http://pad.ma/Vumjev8w/poster.75.jpgGiven the legal ambiguity of prostitution in India, it is not surprising that the police attitude towards sex workers is derogatory and hugely moralistic. The treatment of sex workers is extremely harsh and insensitive. However, this ensures that the sympathy of the viewers are firmly with the sex workers, as the police and law is often shown to be corrupt and abusing their power.Yes211http://pad.ma/Vt8fde84/info2009-01-30weekly1.0Hell: Zinda Laash, Representation of Sex Workers in Bollywood.http://pad.ma/Vt8fde84/poster.75.jpgThe phase 'Zinda Laash' (living corpse) was immortalized in Pakeezah, and since then it has been the most common form of expressing the sex worker's angst in Bollywood cinema: they are living corpses who live in hell. It perhaps also signifies a way of dividing the body and the soul, a way of suggesting that despite the body being a commercial object or living corpse, the soul remains untouched. Such allegories are common in most films that show women in prostitution, it is both a way of evoking self pity as well as the audience's sympathy towards the prostitute with a heart of gold. The clip from Pakeezah, exemplifies both these positions.Yes259http://pad.ma/Vdxnp85b/info2008-12-04weekly1.0Impuritites: Zinda Laash, Representation of Sex Workers in Bollywood.http://pad.ma/Vdxnp85b/poster.75.jpgIn this vast selection of clips, it becomes clear that women in prostitution are definitely portrayed as outside society, being different from other women and even in some cases not recognized as women. Prostitution then almost becomes another gender among women. All sections of society are shown to be ashamed and disgusted with them, mothers, brothers, shop keepers, social workers, domestic helpers - everything associated with the sex worker is a huge taboo. On the one hand these representations enforce what is already known and accepted in everyday language and society about women in prostitution, on the other hand the object is in most cases to make the audience sympathize with the lead heroine, in this case a sex worker. Though this process of sympathy can be stretched to various levels of patronizing and an overwhelming desire to domesticate the non-woman to make her into a woman, it is important to bear in mind the power of popular cinema in shaping one's consciousness about issues such as sex workers. Most stereotypes about them - their mannerisms, speech, clothing, brothels - all come from the regular reinforcing of these norms by Bollywood cinema. In some ways, they may have even helped in sensitizing the audience towards women in prostitution, as cinema ensures that the audience is aware that these women live outside the purview of society. Though there may be varying degrees of truth to the way they are showed shunned by their own families, deceived into their profession, treated brutally by the police, stigmatized by all - it does perhaps help in creating certain bonds of awareness and sensitivity about these issues and the audience. Another interesting phenomena may be the weaving of the star subtext into characters. Most leading actresses of their time have played sex workers (Kareena Kapoor, Smita Patil, Shabana Azmi, Rekha, Sharmila Tagore, Meena Kumari, Madhuri Dixit, Preity Zinta, Rani Mukherjee, Tabu)- the popularity and adulation that these actresses gained from the audience may often interact with the way the characters played by them on screen are perceived.Yes1844http://pad.ma/Vhm0l00d/info2008-12-04weekly1.0Mannerisms; Zinda Laash: Representation of Sex Workers in Bollywood.http://pad.ma/Vhm0l00d/poster.75.jpgIn Bollywood, the underlying assumption is that women in prostitution are different from other women. Hence, this difference must be brought out acutely in terms of cinematic representation. Prostitutes must therefore dress in a manner that is un-sophisticated, they must smoke and use foul language. This is probably an attempt to show them as products of their surroundings, and milieu. Though there have been exceptions, most contemporary representations of prostitutes take this route. What follows commonly in the plot of the films then (Mausam, Chori Chori Chupke Chupke) is an attempt to 'normalize' the prostitute. She is asked to change her way of dressing, refine her tongue and generally mellow down from the colourful selves- the audience is then introduced to a non-woman/un-woman who has to be initiated into society by a kind patron.Yes250http://pad.ma/Vdydf4qx/info2009-02-06weekly1.0Discussion at Shalimar Cafehttp://pad.ma/Vdydf4qx/poster.75.jpgThis discussion follows the boycott of Coke and Pepsi called out by the Indian Hotels Association in response to the attack on Afghanistan by America . During the course of the discussion it is revealed that a number of other American products have been boycotted along with Coke and Pepsi. The discussion points to America being unreasonable with its attack on Afghanistan as a result of the September 11th attack on the World Trade Center. The conversation covers a wide range of topics, moving from a justification of the Taliban's restriction on the freedom of movement for women, to the banning of education for girls (with a reference to the statement given by Safir Syed Rahnatullah Hashimi at a university in California on 10th March 2001), to a pro-Taliban stance with regard to the Taliban's ban on the cultivation of opium, and on to liberals and fundamentalists with respect to India's own freedom, Islamic law in Arab and Muslim nations, and ending with the manipulation of the news by the American media.Yes3180http://pad.ma/Vfrow61g/info2009-02-06weekly1.0Boycott on TVhttp://pad.ma/Vfrow61g/poster.75.jpgYes2083http://pad.ma/Vharlybn/info2009-01-19weekly1.0Friendship: Zinda Laash, Representation of Sex Workers in Bollywood.http://pad.ma/Vharlybn/poster.75.jpgFriendship between women in prostitution and other women is a strict no-no in society as envisaged by Bollywood cinema. It is interesting to note that these two clips are from two completely different films. Devdas is a commercial film, an adaptation of a novel, a remake of an earlier version and also a period film. Aastha on the other hand, can be categorized as middle or art house cinema. Yet, we can see that the bias against women in prostitution mingling with so called domestic women is highlighted in both. However, in Devdas there is an attempt on the part of the prostitute to negate her solo identity as a courtesan, and this is also supported by the other lead heroine, the domesticated housewife.Yes197http://pad.ma/Vi807jid/info2009-02-19weekly1.0Narendra Modi on Big Fighthttp://pad.ma/Vi807jid/poster.75.jpgNarendra Modi, the current chief minister of Gujarat, the late Dr Rafiq Zakaria, an Indian politician and Islamic scholar, and Mr G. Parthasarthy, the former High Commissioner to Pakistan, debate on NDTV's "Big Fight," hosted by Rajdeep Sardesai, on whether Islam is the new driving force of global terrorism today. John Elliot, Special Correspondent, Forbes, and Siddharth Vardharajan, Strategic Affairs Editor, The Hindu, are co-hosts. The debate took place shortly after the September 11 attacks.Yes1652http://pad.ma/Vs6ca9fx/info2009-01-11weekly1.0Protest at Marine Drivehttp://pad.ma/Vs6ca9fx/poster.75.jpgA street play and protest march against the US invasion of Iraq. The play, performed by volunteers from Prerna Sangathan, An independent youth group from Jogeshwari began at the NCPA end of Marine Drive. The march culminated at Chowpatty beach after sunset. Yes1755http://pad.ma/Vgu0oa06/info2009-02-06weekly1.0Harbour Line and Mumbai Shantata Samitihttp://pad.ma/Vgu0oa06/poster.75.jpgA train ride from Bandra to Masjid Bundar on the Harbour line. The sun is setting and the city's Central Line passes through the trading spine of the island city. Godaams and warehouses with shipping containers dot the skyline. The train halts at Masjid Bundar. We are now in the office of ICHRL (India Centre for Human Rights and Law.) Some members from the Dongri Mohalla Comittee are meeting to have a discussion. Later at night, Nikhil Anand and Shaina Anand have a long candid conversation with some members from the Mumbai Shantata Samiti, a Mohalla level Peace Committee operating in the Muslim-dominated area around Mohamammed Ali Road, Dongri. Yes3962http://pad.ma/Ve2ib5lk/info2009-01-26weekly1.0PEACE: Public Meeting at Masalewala Hall in Dongrihttp://pad.ma/Ve2ib5lk/poster.75.jpg"Peace With the excuse of eradicating world terrorism, subtle American terrorism is strengthening. The entire world is now plunged in the shadows of yet another unwanted world war. What kind of role should India play in world politics? What kind of effect will it have on India? The change in the attitude towards the Muslims will have what kind of impact on the society. We are organising public meeting on above topic on 16th October 2001. Looking forward for your participation. Venue : Masalewala Hall, 74, H. A. Walji Marg, 2nd floor, above Development Credit Bank, Dongri, Mumbai 400009 Timing : 6.00pm To 9.00pm Chairperson : Just. R. A. Jahangirdar Speakers : Sajid Rashid (Editor; Mahanagar) Ram Punyani (Prof. From IIT) Advocate Mihir Desai (Hon director ICHRL) For more information contact Chetna on 3716690 Chetna Birje Praful Shinde Hasina Khan Shakeel Ahmed (ICHRL) India Center for Human Rights and Law (Sampark) (AEN) Awaaz e Niswaan (NBA) Nirbhay Bano Andolan" <i>This is the invitation for the talk dug up from an internet cache of the now defunct SACW list (south asian citizens watch). Shaina Anand attended the meeting and documented the entire public address and the 'debate' that followed. It makes for an interesting reading, summarising various viewpoints of our 'left'.</i>Yes6348http://pad.ma/Vgovrn3m/info2009-02-07weekly1.0Mapping Cold Warshttp://pad.ma/Vgovrn3m/poster.75.jpgVarious Women's NGO's and activist groups including members from Forum Against Opression of Women, Akshara, Awaaz e Niswaan, Womens Centre, Strisangam, etc gather together in front of a map of the world. The group exercise, done during a 'retreat' in Khandala had them mapping out the countries that witnessed military action during the cold war years. Predictably selective in its litany of nations and places, this mapping exercise finds companions with other footage from Tellavision Mumbai. It highlights the old left's problem of being 'selective' about understanding geo-politics and in their acknowledging of state-sponsored terror and violence. Still it is an energetic exercise and the women seem to be having a good time locating places on the map. This footage was given to the Tellavision Mumbai project by Tejal Shah who attended the retreat. Yes1140http://pad.ma/Vi2psgbq/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Pablo Fernandez.http://pad.ma/Vi2psgbq/poster.75.jpgInterview with Pablo Fernandez - Rushes from the documentary "Human Question"Yes3600http://pad.ma/Vfaxuv9z/info2009-01-24weekly1.0Interview with Cori Tigges (Part 1).http://pad.ma/Vfaxuv9z/poster.75.jpgYes3589http://pad.ma/Vdyncelo/info2009-01-25weekly1.0Interview with Cori Tigges (Part 3).http://pad.ma/Vdyncelo/poster.75.jpgYes3572http://pad.ma/Vsbb5fm1/info2009-01-30weekly1.0Meter-Down with Sebastian Fernandeshttp://pad.ma/Vsbb5fm1/poster.75.jpgconversation with sebastian fernandes, a bombay taxi driver, after the attacks on bombay, about this and his life and dreams See: [http://meterdown.wordpress.com Meter Down Blog]Yes2341http://pad.ma/Vgp1vp4v/info2009-01-28weekly1.0India Theatre Forum - Assertionshttp://pad.ma/Vgp1vp4v/poster.75.jpgYes6019http://pad.ma/Ve2sb4ib/info2009-01-28weekly1.0India Theatre Forum - Institutions and Traininghttp://pad.ma/Ve2sb4ib/poster.75.jpgYes6050http://pad.ma/Ve2u7r56/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Interview with Rainer Schilling, DAH, Berlinhttp://pad.ma/Ve2u7r56/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the costs of human life?Yes2972http://pad.ma/Vg8il2tj/info2009-02-13weekly1.0A Human Question: 15th International AIDS Conference in Bangkok - 1http://pad.ma/Vg8il2tj/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the cost of human life?Yes3696http://pad.ma/Vdyn8tzv/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Interview with Karl Lemmen, DAH, Berlinhttp://pad.ma/Vdyn8tzv/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the cost of human life?Yes539http://pad.ma/Vss0itpf/info2009-02-01weekly1.0Interview with Dr. James Love, CPTech, Geneva.http://pad.ma/Vss0itpf/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the costs of human life?Yes2609http://pad.ma/Vev457a7/info2009-02-01weekly1.0Human Question: 15th International AIDS Conference in Bangkok - 2http://pad.ma/Vev457a7/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the cost of human life?Yes1995http://pad.ma/Vsnpfajd/info2009-02-14weekly1.0Ek Dozen Paani - Pipeshttp://pad.ma/Vsnpfajd/poster.75.jpgAs in many cities, in Mumbai we barely witness the passage of water from rain to sea via lakes, watersheds, pipes, pumps, pots, human and animal bodies, drains and sewers. Even as these hidden passages describe a unique social, chemical and political structure, a map of ourselves in the modern world. More than many of us, residents in the slums of Jogeshwari spend time waiting and hurrying around this substance, its leaks and sources. As part of an investigation into the social life of water in these areas, <i>Pani Sare Dhaga Ma</i> (Water is In All the Clouds) is a collaborative project between youth of two community organizations- Aakansha Sewa Sangh and Agaaz, with CAMP and led by the researcher Nikhil Anand. Working together since march 2008, we have been thinking through questions of "citizenship" and distribution by looking at how residents form relationships with water and its infrastructures: including official water supply, alternative plumbing, ground water, tanker politics, and so on. This clip focuses on the passage of water in pipes, the state of the Indian water supply, and the ever mounting need for change if we are to remedy this situation.Yes1156http://pad.ma/Vgoxuohw/info2009-02-10weekly1.0Interview with Paisan, Activist, Thai Drug Users Forum.http://pad.ma/Vgoxuohw/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the cost of human life?Yes3377http://pad.ma/Vu608igf/info2009-02-09weekly1.0Human Question: Interview with Rainer Schilling, DAH, Berlinhttp://pad.ma/Vu608igf/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the costs of human life?Yes3171http://pad.ma/Vhm0d1p5/info2009-12-27weekly1.0Interview with Ron Merchant, UK Patent Office, Ellen t’Hoen, MSF.http://pad.ma/Vhm0d1p5/poster.75.jpgTracing the story of the global struggle to make HIV/AIDS drugs more affordable and available, A Human Question raises key questions of whether private ownership of knowledge can be at the costs of human life?Yes2329http://pad.ma/Vtp2z0s9/info2009-02-04weekly1.0Post Terror: Bombay First Conference - Session Ihttp://pad.ma/Vtp2z0s9/poster.75.jpgYes107http://pad.ma/Vss6bacn/info2009-02-07weekly1.0The Left, the Right and the Rightshttp://pad.ma/Vss6bacn/poster.75.jpgSebastian Lütgert introduces Pad.maYes2567http://pad.ma/Vsmvhbof/info2009-06-06weekly1.0Mumbai Attacks: Bombay First Conference @ The Trident - Tape 1http://pad.ma/Vsmvhbof/poster.75.jpgTwo months after the terrible attacks on our city, a gathering of businessmen, security experts, and politicos meet at the same hotel where gunmen had created havoc. In the quickly renovated chambers of the Regal Room in The Trident, a 6 hour session takes place where much is discussed - terrorism, surveillance, National ID Cards, higher spending on security and tighter centralization of information gathering networks. The Panel of Experts included the deputy mayor of London, a member of the US 9/11 Commission, a US Dept. of Homeland Security advisor, the head of Security for Deutsche Bank Asia Pacific, a former member of NATO Security, and several counter-terrorism experts. From India, it brought together politicians, a former NSG commando, faces from corporate India, and from the media - Gerson DaCunha and Burkha Dutt. The audience included prominent Indian businessmen, heads of security companies, a member of the Shin Bet, and people from 'concerned civil society'. Such meetings are usually held in five-star hotels behind close doors with members of the public not having a chance to interact with or interrogate arguments made. We see putting this footage in pad.ma as a way to open up arguments and trajectories, moving away from a totalizing discourse around 'terrorism'... annotations are welcome because slowing down the pace and examining this phenomenon in detail and critically might be our only answer to the media juggernaut.Yes3745http://pad.ma/Vt3at28r/info2009-06-06weekly1.0Mumbai Attacks: Bombay First Conference @ The Trident - Tape 2http://pad.ma/Vt3at28r/poster.75.jpgPanel of Experts from U.K. and U.S.A. for the Conference on LESSONS FROM 9/11 AND 7/7 FOR A SAFER MUMBAI 16th January, 2009 Two months after the terrible attacks on our city, a gathering of businessmen, security experts, and politicos meet at the same hotel where gunmen had created havoc. In the quickly renovated chambers of the Regal Room in The Trident, a 6 hour session takes place where much is discussed - terrorism, surveillance, National ID Cards, higher spending on security and tighter centralization of information gathering networks. The Panel of Experts included the deputy mayor of London, a member of the US 9/11 Commission, a US Dept. of Homeland Security advisor, the head of Security for Deutsche Bank Asia Pacific, a former member of NATO Security, and several counter-terrorism experts. From India, it brought together politicians, a former NSG commando, faces from corporate India, and from the media - Gerson DaCunha and Burkha Dutt. The audience included prominent Indian businessmen, heads of security companies, a member of the Shin Bet, and people from 'concerned civil society'. Such meetings are usually held in five-star hotels behind close doors with members of the public not having a chance to interact with or interrogate arguments made. We see putting this footage in pad.ma as a way to open up arguments and trajectories, moving away from a totalizing discourse around 'terrorism'... annotations are welcome because slowing down the pace and examining this phenomenon in detail and critically might be our only answer to the media juggernaut.Yes3473http://pad.ma/Vdyhaiiq/info2009-02-15weekly1.0Mumbai Attacks: Bombay First Conference @ The Trident - Tape 3http://pad.ma/Vdyhaiiq/poster.75.jpgTwo months after the terrible attacks on our city, a gathering of businessmen, security experts, and politicos meet at the same hotel where gunmen had created havoc. In the quickly renovated